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Nothing good happens in Washington unless good people outside of Washington are mobilized, energized, and organized to make it happen.- Robert Reich
Too long have the workers of the world waited for some Moses to lead them out of bondage. He has not come; he never will come. I would not lead you out if I could for if you could be led out, you could be led back again. -- Eugene V. Debs
Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little. -- Edmund Burke
What you do is of little significance. But it is very important that you do it - Gandhi
Activism is my rent for living on this planet - Alice Walker
The Most Dangerous Man in America Daniel Ellsberg risked life in prison to leak secret Pentagon documents showing the government's deception about the Vietnam War.
Jane Adams: A new biography
This Changes Everything: The meaning and importance of the occupy movement
The Man Who Never Died: A bio of labor organizer Joe Hill including evidence that he was framed
Get Up, Stand Up: Uniting Populists, Energizing the Defeated, and Battling the Corporate Elite. . . Through his brilliant analysis, psychologist Bruce Levine explains the process by which mainstream America has become demoralized and docile, how those in power maintain that power, and what it will take to turn things around."--Jim Gottstein, President/CEO Law Project for Psychiatric Rights
Small Acts of Resistance: How Courage, Tenacity, and Ingenuity Can Change the World by Steve Crawshaw and John Jackson
Confessions of a Raving, Unconfined Nut: Misadventures in the Counterculture by Paul Krassner . . .Krassner, a long-time contributor to the now deceased print edition of the Progressive Review, is out with an expanded edition of his memoirs. . . .
ON GANDHI'S PATH: BOB SWANN'S WORK FOR PEACE AND COMMUNITY ECONOMICS by Stephanie Mills. Robert Swann was a self-taught economist, a tireless champion of decentralism, and the father of the relocalization movement. A conscientious war resistor imprisoned for his beliefs, Bob Swann engaged in lifelong nonviolent direct action against war, racism, and economic inequity. His legacy is a vision of a life-affirming, alternative economy of peace founded on innovations in land and monetary reform.
Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With India. How Gandhi became Gandhi
BUILDING POWERFUL COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS: A Personal Guide to Creating Groups That Can Solve Problems and Change the World, by Michael Jacoby Brown, Long Haul Press, $19.95.
CALLING ALL RADICALS: How Grassroots Organizers Can Save Our Democracy, by Gabriel Thompson, Nation Books, $14.95.
TOOLS FOR RADICAL DEMOCRACY: How to Organize for Power in Your Community, by Joan Minieri and Paul Getsos, Chardon Press, $29.95.
Taking Back our Neighborhoods: Building communities that work, Mary Wachter, Cynthia Tinsley. A step-by-step plan for creating a more pleasant, less violent neighborhood.
The Careless Society: Community and its Counterfeits, John McKnight. Considers how the efforts of "experts" may in fact be destroying neighborhoods; celebrates the ability of neighborhoods to heal from within. Focuses on four "counterfeiting" aspects of society: professionalism, medicine, human service systems, and the criminal justice system. Has reflections on Christian service and its transformation into carelessness.
Going Local: Creating self-reliant communities in a global age, Michael Shuman. Many communities are handing out corporate welfare to encourage businesses to relocate to their areas. Presents positive alternatives: (1) invest in locally-owned businesses like credit unions, cooperatives, community land trusts, municipally owned utilities, small worker-owned firms, community development corporations, local share-holder owned firms; (2) focus on import-replacing rather than export-led, i.e. reduce dependence on distant sources of energy, water, food, and basic materials; (3) eliminate many subsidies and change tax and trade laws. A challenge to conservative and liberals alike. I have ordered this one myself.
From Mondragon to America: Experiments in Community Economic Development, Gregory MacLeod. The Mondragon cooperatives of the Basque region of Spain grow out of the teaching of the social justice doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church. In the 1950s, five people joined together in a cooperative to make paraffin stoves in a garage. Today, the Mondragon cooperatives have more than 30,000 owner-employees in over 100 different enterprises, doing everything from manufacturing machine tools to distributing groceries.
Organizing the South Bronx. Jim Rooney, Nathan Glazer. A study of the process by which the residents of an impoverished urban neighborhood were educated and organized to fight the city government for vacant land and build low-cost, owner-occupied housing. Such organizing, mainly working through traditional churches, is rapidly growing in the US and has close relatives in Latin America. Pricey, but very interesting.
Organizing for Social Change: A manual for activists in the 1990s, Kim Bobo, et al. A comprehensive manual for grassroots organizers working for social, political, environmental, and economic change at the local, state, and national level.
The Activist's Handbook: A primer for the 1990s and beyond, Randy Shaw. A true handbook, has detailed examples of action in a wide variety of areas - crime prevention, affordable housing, ecology, and etc. Analyzes campaigns that succeeded and some that failed.
Bridging the Class Divide and Other Lessons for Grassroots Organizing, Linda Stout, Howard Zinn. Uses an organizing model with seven principles: focus on social change, work across lines of race and class, diversity of outreach and training, linking local and national issues, developing personal empowerment and organizational power, flexibility to meet changing circumstances. Intriguing.
Building Communities from the Inside Out: A path toward finding and mobilizing a community's assets, John Kretzmann and John McKnight. Studies successful community-building initiatives in hundreds of US neighborhoods.
Let the People Decide: Neighborhood organizing in America (Social Movements Past and Present), Robert Fisher. Updated and revised, studies the period 1886 to the 1980s
Fight Back: How you and your neighbors can take action to improve your community, Dennis King. An investigative reporter takes would-be community activists through the basic steps.
Rules for Radicals: A practical primer for realistic radicals, by Saul Alinsky. If you can only buy one book on community organizing, get this one. He writes from an viewpoint of left ideology (but non-marxist), yet his action principles transcend narrow sectarian politics and can, with proper adaptation and consideration of the real world situation you are in, be used in many different contexts, for both faith-based and secular organizing activities. Not for the faint of heart, but for those who are ready to go to work. The style is easy to read, you may be surprised at some of his conclusions. Read this book and you will understand more about the success of groups as divergent as the "religious right" and neighborhood community development groups.
BUILDING POWERFUL COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS: A Personal Guide to Creating Groups That Can Solve Problems and Change the World, by Michael Jacoby Brown, Long Haul Press, $19.95.
. . . .
Science 2.0 - Causes.com is a free online platform for activism and philanthropy, and its Facebook application allows users to create, join and donate to a variety of causes, from helping survivors of natural disasters to aiding specific nonprofits more generally. At its height, the Save Darfur Cause by the Save Darfur Coalition, seeking to end genocide in Sudan was one of the largest on the social network.
Of the more than 1 million members of the Save Darfur Cause between May 2007 and January 2010, 80 percent had been brought there by other members and about 20 percent had joined independently.
But 99.76 percent never donated any money and 72.19 percent never recruited anyone else.
How did it compare with more traditional fundraising methods? The Save Darfur Cause on Facebook raised only about $100,000 and though the average donation amounts were similar to their traditional fundraising methods ($29.06), the donation rate was much smaller: only 0.24 percent. Their mail solicitations typically yield donation rates of 2 to 8 percent.
Popular Resistance- On the night of March 3, co-founder of the peace group CODEPINK Medea Benjamin was on her way to Egypt to join an international delegation of women going to Gaza when she was detained by border police in the Cairo airport, held overnight in a cell, and then brutally tackled (her arm badly injured), handcuffed, and deported to Turkey. During her time in the detention cell she had access to a cell phone, from which she contacted colleagues at CODEPINK about the poor conditions of the cell and chronicled her ordeal via Twitter. When the Egyptian police removed her from the detention center, they used such excessive force she sustained a fracture and torn ligament in her shoulder.
Newsweek - [An] intruder or intruders left dozens of computers and other valuable office equipment untouched but jimmied open a file cabinet at the Project on Government Oversight, a private organization that has conducted several sensitive investigations in recent months, including a critical report on a controversial Pentagon leak investigation.
The Washington Metropolitan District Police report on the Feb. 11-12 overnight incident listed its probable cause as occupation, which means that it was related to the kind of business POGO conducts, not ordinary theft, an MPD spokeswoman told Newsweek.
"Whoever did this was after information, the investigators told POGO officials.
For decades, the organization has demonstrated a knack for developing confidential sources for its reporting on government waste, fraud and abuse. POGO also publishes a vast, searchable database on the revolving door of executives between Wall Street and the Securities and Exchange Commission, which is responsible for policing big financial institutions.
No valuables were taken, as far as we can tell, Keith Rutter, POGOs chief operations officer, told Newsweek. Nor were any sensitive documents missing, Rutter said. After business hours, access to POGOs fifth floor is restricted to people who have been issued an electronic elevator key.
The purpose of the break-in remains a mystery. The lone file cabinet that was jimmied held only mundane financial items like deposit slips and blank checks, Rutter said. A few employees reported that papers on their desks seemed to have been disturbed, but no sensitive documents were compromised.
Note; Your editor sits on the board of the Fund for Constitutional Government, which helps to fund POGO
Passings: Saul Landau
VIA TRUDGE SUET
The Illuminator Project
Ran across a nifty little action device used by Left Action in the wake of the healthcare bill. Senator DeMint had argued that the GOP would defeat the bill and that it would be President Obama's "Waterloo." So, after the bill passed, Left Action got its supporters to post the ABBA song "Waterloo" - using direct links to YouTube - over and over again on DeMint's Facebook page.
We told you about the British library asking its patrons to remove all its books to protest its potential closing. Well, it worked. The 'Wot No Books' campaign removed all 16,000 with librarians checking out as many 380 books an hour. The Guardian quoted one user as saying, "The library is the one place where you find five-year-olds and 90-year-olds together, and it's where young people learn to be proper citizens'. It's crazy even to consider closing it.'"
Eric Tang, Post Capitalist Project - Non-profits, also known as non-governmental organizations, are often stripped down to their barest and most essential nature as an IRS tax category: the 501(c)3. This official registration with the government grants the accreditation needed to receive government funding and funds through private philanthropic foundations. In exchange, the grassroots non-profit must adopt legally binding by-laws, elect a board of directors modeled after corporations, and open board minutes and fiscal accounting to the public. Previously considered anathema to the grassroots Left, these practices are accepted governing principles of many community organizations. . .
Years ago the Left made a decision to go down a certain road towards non-profit incorporation. There were some victories but also a good number of political casualties, according to those who took part in that turn. Yet open dialogue on the complex challenges posed by the non-profit has often taken a back seat to the immediate need of getting important work done. Resultantly, a new generation of leaders inherit the unresolved dilemmas.
New activists in community, labor, and justice struggles are soon made aware that they bear heavy burdens. They must carry forth movements that ended Jim Crow, created environmental justice, and inspired mass anti-war protests. The young organizer can take a course that covers Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and the United Farm Workers and learn that all union members, even the lowest paid, contributed regular membership dues. Chavez insisted, "this is the only way the workers will 'own' the organization." Young activists will inevitably take a hard look at grassroots organizing that lives on foundation grants, hires a development director to raise funds to free others to do the real work, and adopts management systems which are foreign, if not alienating, to the values and skills-set of the grassroots base. Contradictions will be analyzed:
Why do we apply for a police permit to protest the police? Because if we break the law, our board is liable.
Why can't we lobby? Because that would violate our 501(c)3 status and the conditions of our grant.
Why not just take the streets? Because insurance doesn't cover it. . .
Indeed, the majority of organizational leaders I've sat down with over the past year and a half-whose work ranges from defeating the onset of neoliberal policies in public schools, to the ongoing struggle against police violence, to defending the rights of immigrant communities-have experienced, to varying degrees, an onset of the NP blues. They are concerned about the ways in which the priorities of philanthropy tamper with the organizing work, or how NP governance makes impossible the principle of unity which calls for youth and working class people at the center. Worse still is how hiring and promotion policies have led to competition and individualism among the ranks.
FIND A GOOD PLACE TO MAKE A POINT
An interesting interview with Nelson Mandela appears in Time Magazine in which Mandela lays out ten principles of leadership. Number 3 particularly struck us because it is one that seems to have been forgotten in an age governed by corporate executive systems of control rather than the community organizer's rules of getting things done:
No. 3: Lead from the back - and let others believe they are in front. Mandela loved to reminisce about his boyhood and his lazy afternoons herding cattle. "You know," he would say, "you can only lead them from behind." . . .
As a boy, Mandela was greatly influenced by Jongintaba, the tribal king who raised him. When Jongintaba had meetings of his court, the men gathered in a circle, and only after all had spoken did the king begin to speak. The chief's job, Mandela said, was not to tell people what to do but to form a consensus. "Don't enter the debate too early," he used to say.
"During the time I worked with Mandela, he often called meetings of his kitchen cabinet at his home in Houghton, a lovely old suburb of Johannesburg. He would gather half a dozen men, Ramaphosa, Thabo Mbeki (who is now the South African President) and others around the dining-room table or sometimes in a circle in his driveway. Some of his colleagues would shout at him - to move faster, to be more radical - and Mandela would simply listen. When he finally did speak at those meetings, he slowly and methodically summarized everyone's points of view and then unfurled his own thoughts, subtly steering the decision in the direction he wanted without imposing it. The trick of leadership is allowing yourself to be led too. "It is wise," he said, "to persuade people to do things and make them think it was their own idea."
RECOVERED HISTORY: WHERE ARE THE PROTESTS?
Your editor was recently on a local Pacifica station program during which a participant suggested that public opposition to the Iraq war had been minimal. Longtime DC activist Jenefer Ellingston writes to note that "in February 2003 20 million people around the world demonstrated against Bush's plan to invade Iraq. . . probably the first protest before an invasion. It was the largest anti-war march in the history of anti-war demonstrations. Not just several million in America - In DC, NYC, Boston, Chicago, Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles . . . and smaller cities, but every capitol in Europe. Not thousands, millions.
"It's possible that one reason the peace movement is not visible in large numbers is: It's too expensive. That's why protests have been organized in cities across America - barely mentioned and rarely covered by the media. Our last demonstrations took place in 600 cities. Suppose there were 1,000 people in each of those 600 cities . . . that's a lot of people."
SNEAKY, ILLEGAL SEARCHES
RURAL VOTES - Texas Republicans have worked overtime to make it harder for key Democratic voting groups to vote and be represented fairly. For the Prairie View A&M University precincts, they put the early-polling place more than seven miles from the school. So what did the students do? They shut down the highway as they marched seven miles to cast their votes on the first day of early voting.
THE BLUE TAPE SCREED
A LETTER TO THOMAS
HOWARD ZINN, THE PROGRESSIVE - What does it take to bring a turnaround in social consciousness - from being a racist to being in favor of racial equality, from being in favor of Bush's tax program to being against it, from being in favor of the war in Iraq to being against it? We desperately want an answer, because we know that the future of the human race depends on a radical change in social consciousness.
It seems to me that we need not engage in some fancy psychological experiment to learn the answer, but rather to look at ourselves and to talk to our friends. We then see, though it is unsettling, that we were not born critical of existing society. There was a moment in our lives (or a month, or a year) when certain facts appeared before us, startled us, and then caused us to question beliefs that were strongly fixed in our consciousness - embedded there by years of family prejudices, orthodox schooling, imbibing of newspapers, radio, and television.
[NEWS of February's first international conference on gross national happiness has only just reached us from Bhutan.]
[From Hungarian Ambassador Andras Simonyi's speech at the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland on November 8]
ANDRAS SIMONYI - I was four when Russians tanks rolled down the streets of Budapest. . . I was just a kid and I didn't really understand what was happening. But it did leave a strong mark in my mind. I must say that I had a great family - a great father, mother, a brother and a sister, who helped preserve a life for me. That was pretty much like yours; they were very protective. This family took me to Denmark in 1960 where my father was trade representative, I had the luck to go to an American school - that's probably why I picked up some English and Danish, and I had the honor to just live the ordinary life of an ordinary guy on the streets of Copenhagen. . .
While I was in Denmark, particularly in '66 and '67, like the Danes embraced the rock music at its best, like the Danes got to know Cream, Jimmy Hendrix, Zappa, Jefferson Airplane, Janis Joplin and you name it, I got to know them as well. I was listening to this kind of music day and night. I didn't know what the underlying message was and I didn't care. I just thought this was something that I had to embrace.
In 1965, I bought with the help of my father my first guitar. . . It was a great guitar, it's a copy of a Fender Jaguar. I had a great time until in '67 we moved back to Budapest. Budapest at that time was not a very funny place. It was a pretty tough, dark, and gloomy place. It was just ten years after the 1956 revolution which was broken by the Soviets. Still, society was quietly and slowly coming alive. But it was a very tough place to be, especially for me who'd got used to freedom - freedom in the way I dressed, freedom in the way I communicated, freedom in the way I talked to people, and freedom in the way I picked up my music.
The music that I thought so much of was simply not available in Hungary. I stayed a year with an aunt and uncle of mine who turned out to be a very conservative communist. And honestly, they didn't get it when I started to explain about Good Vibrations and the Four Tops and the Spencer Davis group. She didn't understand. And my brother and I, we had a big old Bakelite radio that I got from my father so we could listen to Western radio stations and we used to listen to that at night. Listening to that music at night was very important to us to keep track of what was going on in the West. One night as we were listening to some real nice stuff, the old man came in, very angry, and took away the radio. Next day we asked for an audience and we said "Sorry for having listened to this music so loud," and he said "The problem was not that it was loud. The problem was that you were listening to a Western radio station." That was something that really hurt us - I was 14 and my brother was 16 - being told you're not allowed to listen to music on a Western radio station that we always used to listen to. That was real tough. And we got to understand very quickly that this Hungary is not very similar to the Denmark where we used to live.
Still, you had to keep going and it was so important for me, my continuing to keep in touch with the music scene in the West. It kept us sane and kind of made us part of the free world. We would listen to Radio Free Europe, Voice of America, and above all, to Radio Luxemburg. We used to listen to this stuff at night and as we listened to this radio, as we listened to Radio Luxemburg, we were suddenly out of our bodies and our soul was part of the free world. We would join our peers in the West. We would be part of the scene that was so natural for all of you here in the United States or in England or Denmark or Holland or elsewhere in the free world.
As I returned to Hungary, I was a good student. I don't know if I was smart but I always had good grades and that was in order to get things out the way so I could do my music. I did a lot of practicing, formed my own band, and got in touch with the Hungarian music scene which, strangely enough, started to grow immediately after the rock explosion in the West. The instruments were lousy, so I was a cool guy, I had great instruments. Instruments in general were no good but some guys somehow managed to get great instruments and they produced some good sound. And it was so good to be a part of this. That's where I met my old-time very best friend, Gabor Presser, who was my mentor, was my great friend - he's still my best friend, and he's still a great musician. . .
Of course, there was no records to be had. Here, you heard Led Zeppelin on the radio, the next day you walked into a record shop and bought it. In Hungary, we couldn't do that. Therefore, when we got hold of records, it was so much valuable. It was much more meaningful to us - it was not just something to consume, to buy. It wasn't just owning it; it was way beyond that. No one Hungarian had all the records, but somehow Hungarians together managed to get all the records. We would copy these records. I hope the copyright guys don't listen now because, honestly, whatever the reason, they would have clamped down on the Hungarians copying this stuff. But we would walk into this record store that would make one single copy of a record and sell it to us. We would tape it and then spread it five hundred times. That was kind of nice. That was really important to us. One way or another, we were very much part of the scene. . .
I created my own band and it was kind of a strange band. . . We used to play Cream in '67, '68 and '69. I would do Rory Gallagher, I would do some early Fleetwood Mac stuff. It was really very special because I'd always thought this was at the avant-garde of rock music. In 1969 however a band led by Stevie Winwood called Traffic, which I loved so much, came to Budapest. I had no idea how they got there and it was the strangest thing because I would know all the Traffic tunes by heart, you name it and I could sing it and I try to play it. "Mr. Fantasy" and "Medicated Goo," or whatever. . .
With the help of my father, I figured out where Traffic would be staying, which hotel, and after the concert I'd hang out at the hotel and Stevie Winwood shows up and it is like, I don't know, may I say it is like God showing up? And I started talking to him and we had some words and he said I'm sorry, I got to go, but I figured out that maybe it would be a good idea that I act as a guide for the rest of the group. So I took Jim Capaldi, the drummer, and Albert, the road manager down to Lake Balaton - which, by the way, is a place you've to got visit sometime - and we hung out for a couple of days. I was very really into something very special, talking to these people. That left a lasting mark on my attitude to music. Here is what happened: A few weeks ago my guys came back and said Stevie Winwood is playing in Washington this weekend. We got hold of Stevie Winwood and I went down to see the concert, a great concert. We started talking about what happened 35 years ago. He said "Yes, I remember. I didn't go to the Lake with you because I had to go and listen to some gipsy music." And I said "Steve, how did you get [to Hungary]?" He said "I don't know because we didn't go to any of the other East European communist countries." "Can you give me an explanation?" He said "Call Chris Blackwell." So I called Chris Blackwell, who was then their manager and I asked, "Chris, what the hell was Traffic doing in Hungary?" He said, "Look, I think you had some opening in '68 because no one else would take us in but Hungarians were crazy with this music and somehow the authorities allowed this to happen."
I didn't know then, and it didn't click, that was exactly the couple of years when the system lightened up a little, culture lightened up a little, economy lightened up a little, and of course Hungarians embraced as much as they could from the free world in this short opening which only lasted until 1972. But it was also something interesting that I have to tell you, and it didn't click before I talked to Steve Winwood: Hungarians didn't understand the text [of any of the rock tunes]. And I just suddenly realized that it was not the text but the power of music, the power of a couple of guys standing on stage with a Stratocaster, with a Fender bass, a guy playing on organ, a drummer playing a Gretsch drum set, that really made Hungarians think this was something very important.
So while the authorities tried to limit through the propaganda machinery the impact of this on Hungarians and obviously also on other Central Eastern Europeans, there was no way to stop the onslaught of the message of freedom through rock and roll. That was the most powerful instrument to convey the message to my generation about the free world. I do believe today, what the satellite and VHS was for the '80s and what the Internet is today, was rock and roll and rock music in the '60s and the early '70s. It was about sending a strong message of freedom through the Berlin Wall to us who were living behind the Iron Curtain. . .
We wanted to make music come as close to the best of the best in the free world as we could. . . And the funny thing was - you should understand that the lyrics were censored. We always had to scratch out something. We always had to change the words. When we spoke about the freedom of man or the freedom of the world, they would put something foolish into the text. They didn't realize that the music itself was more powerful than the text. They didn't realize that the real power lay in the music. So therefore my fellow musicians, those who came after us, they tried and expanded our little freedoms as much as they could. Sometimes they would hurt us, sometimes they wouldn't. Sometimes they would "understand" what we were doing, sometimes not. . .
In 1972, I was going to defect from Hungary. I said, this is not the world I want to live in. I remember in 1972, I was standing in the railway station in Copenhagen and I called my mother and I said "Mom, I am not coming home." And she said "Son, okay, you're not coming home, but then I and Dad and your brother and sister will not be able to live the lives we want them to live." So I went back. And frankly, I didn't regret it because in 1974 I met Nada, my wife. That was a big deal and I think I enchanted her by starting to - I remember we were sitting in a bus and I started explaining to her about the new George Harrison hit "Bangladesh" and, you know, I described it to her from all angles. I think I was successful because she changed a lot through my convincing.
But I also want to tell you that in the meanwhile there was a hardening of the system and two guys from the band Locomotive GT defected to the United States. The drummer [Jozsef (Joe) Laux], and my great friend and hero the guitarist Tamas Barta. The saddest of all stories is that Tamas arrived in the United States and figured out that he will not be the great star that he used to be in Hungary and he will not be able to make it here and he ended up being shot in Los Angeles. It's a sad story but he really never was able to leave Hungary spiritually. Wanted to embrace so much the free world, the West. And this collision of the lack of freedom and wanting to be a Hungarian led to his fate. I miss him still. . .
In 1988. . . Amnesty International was on a world tour, and that was the year when I knew the Wall will be torn down and we will put an end to the Cold War and Hungary will soon be free. Amnesty International was brought to Hungary by Sting, Peter Gabriel, Tracy Chapman, and Bruce Springsteen. Just imagine the powerful message of Bruce Springsteen singing "Born in the USA" at the stadium in Budapest and 80,000 Hungarian kids roaring and saying, yes, we're together. That was the year when I was 100 percent convinced that [communism] will be over soon. My friends in the West reacted in disbelief, but I was right. What stronger message than the message that came through rock music can you imagine?
In 1989, the world moved on and Hungary was free again. You might wonder, what next? My personal life, the music that I embraced all my life has played an incredible role of since. I have a very easy rapport with my friends and colleagues in the West, primarily in the United States. I got to know friends who are working for the U.S. government when we suddenly figured out that we were listening to the same kind of music. I name one song, you name the band. That's how I met your ambassador to Moscow [Alexander Vershbow], who used to be my friend and colleague in NATO, and he used to be a rock musician when he was a kid, still plays. And as we grew closer, as Hungary started to move into NATO, the closer this friendship grew. We jammed together and this really made our friendship close. We both agree that this is something that has to continue to glue us together.
I believe that rock music is not imperial, not imperialistic. Mozart used to belong to the Austrians. Does anyone ask anywhere in the world - in China, in the United States, in Brazil, in Moscow - where Mozart came from? You couldn't care less. The music that Traffic played, that Cream played, that Jimmy Hendrix played, that "Skunk" Baxter played belongs not to the United States or to the UK any longer - it belongs all of us. . . Rock and roll music is universal; it is a universal language. It's easy to embrace. It speaks to the people. That is why it was so useful and meaningful in penetrating communist society. Because it was understandable for all the peoples. It was not aristocratic, it belonged to all of us, the man on the street - the little guy who was walking on the streets of Budapest and the little guy who was walking on the streets of Warsaw or Prague. Just like the little guy walking in the streets of New York, Los Angeles, or Cleveland.
Try, if you haven't tried it, the excitement of strumming a Stratocaster. I think that's the closest you can get to heaven before you really get there. Rock is about freedom, rock is believing in our freedom and the freedom of others. I reject the attacks that I hear on rock and roll music. . .
ROCK & REBEL
UNITED STATES - SAM SMITH, WHY BOTHER? - In rock and rap -- as in blues and folk music earlier -- people found that what they couldn't achieve could still be sung or shouted about. And central to this sound was not just a message but who was allowed to deliver it. For example, the music webzine, Fast 'n' Bulbous, described punk this way:
"Punk gives the message that no one has to be a genius to do it him/herself. Punk invented a whole new spectrum of do-it-yourself projects for a generation. Instead of waiting for the next big thing in music to be excited about, anyone with this new sense of autonomy can make it happen themselves by forming a band. Instead of depending on commercial media, from the big papers and television to New Musical Express and Rolling Stone, to tell them what to think, anyone can create a fanzine, paper, journal or comic book. With enough effort and cooperation they can even publish and distribute it. Kids were eventually able to start their own record labels too. Such personal empowerment leads to other possibilities in self-employment and activism.
To move from challenging record companies to taking on the World Trade Organization was not an easy or obvious journey, but clearly some of the attitudes that made the anti-globalization protests possible were formed in clubs and not at conferences. . .
By the end of the 1990s, an unremittingly political band, Rage Against the Machine, had sold more than 7 million copies of its first two albums and its third, The Battle of Los Angele, (released on Election Day 1999), sold 450,000 copies its first week. Nine months later, there would be a live battle of Los Angeles as the police shut down a RATM concert at the Democratic Convention.
Throughout the 1990s, during a nadir of activism and an apex of greed, RATM both raised hell and made money. In 1993 the band, appearing at Lollapalooza III in Philadelphia, stood naked on stage for 15 minutes without singing or playing a note in a protest against censorship. . . In 1997, well before most college students were paying any attention to the issue, Rage's Tom Morello was arrested during a protest against sweatshop labor. Throughout this period no members of the band were invited to discuss politics with Ted Koppel or Jim Lehrer. But a generation heard them anyway.
PROTESTS, like everything else in life, can become pretty sterile. But browsing an online history of punk in DC, we came across a fascinating description of the role of local punk rockers in the anti-apartheid movement including drumming the hell out of the South African embassy. Go to the site, click on enter and then find the embassy on the map.
WHY SOCIAL MOVEMENTS DON'T WORK
MICHAEL ALBERT, who advocates what he calls participatory economics, has some important thoughts on why current day social movements don't do better in this interview. It's a point your editor has been trying to make for sometime, as in his 1993 book "Shadows of Hope:"Go back to the 60s and Ralph Nader was about the only public interest lawyer in town who wore a suit and his wasn't pressed. Today, many advocacy groups have drifted into the lawyerly style and pace of the establishment they are supposedly trying to change. They have, in their own way, become capital institutions, part of the ritualized, status-conscious, and very safe, trench warfare of the city."
PAUL ROCKWELL, COMMON DREAMS - In her address at the World Social Forum in Porte Allegre, Brazil, January 27th, 2003, Arundhati Roy put out a call for a new strategy of non-cooperation. . . "The U.S. economy," she writes, "is strung out across the globe. It's economic outposts are exposed and vulnerable. Our strategy must be to isolate empire's working parts and disable them one by one. No target is too small. No victory too insignificant."
"We could reverse the idea of economic sanctions imposed on poor countries by Empire and its Allies. We could impose a regime of people's sanctions on every corporation that has been awarded a contract in post-war Iraq. Each one of them should be named, exposed and boycotted-forced out of business. It would be a great start."
Weekend protests, Roy tells us, are not enough. "What we need to discuss urgently are strategies of resistance...Gandhi's salt march was not just political theatre. In a simple act of defiance, thousands of Indians marched to the sea and made their own salt. It was a direct strike at the economic underpinning of the British Empire."
"Already the Internet is buzzing with elaborate lists of American and British government products and companies that should be boycotted...They could become a practical guide that directs and channels the amorphous but growing fury in the world." . . .
[A wonderful example of the sort of coalition that can be built around a single issue even if participants disagree on many other things. In addition to the groups mentioned below two local car dealers, some resataurant owners, and the owner of four gas stations have also come out agains the stadium]
S.A. MILLER, WASHINGTON TIMES - A diverse coalition including local politicians, black-power militants, homosexual activists and child-welfare advocates has emerged to oppose plans for a Major League Baseball stadium in Southeast, as the D.C. Council today begins debating legislation for the "sweetheart" ballpark deal. A group calling itself No D.C. Taxes for Baseball, made up of more than 20 organizations ranging from the New Black Panther Party to D.C. Action for Children, plans to demonstrate this morning on the steps of the John A. Wilson Building, home of the City Council and the mayor's office. . . Other groups in the coalition are the Campaign for the D.C. School Budget, the Council of Latino Agencies, D.C. Black Church Initiative, D.C. Fiscal Policy Institute, D.C. Library Renaissance Project, the D.C. League of Women Voters, Parents United for the D.C. Public Schools, Save D.C. Parks and Play Spaces, the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless and Wider Opportunities for Women. Although they represent an array of causes, the groups are united in the belief that the District could better spend taxpayer money on any one of their missions. They also agree that when the Montreal Expos relocate to the District, the team could make RFK Stadium its permanent home.
NOT SO BARE WITNESS
SYDNEY INDY MEDIA - There's been discussion in geek circles about using the idea of flash mobs in protests. The idea is to get a large number of protestors to spread out over the target area and blanket it for a certain time. Rather than gathering a couple of hundred people outside the town hall, put a couple of people on each of the street corners in the central city, each with a placard and flyers. This way the protest reaches many more people directly, and in a more approachable way - one or two people are not as intimidating as a big group, and are more able to use the space without breaking any laws.
Media impact will most probably come indirectly. The first protest might get direct media, as they chase about trying to find out what's going on. After that I think it's more likely to be viral - people telling others about what they saw and the flyer they got. I think this is actually more useful to groups looking for an educational campaign rather than to apply media pressure to a politician, for instance.
If the police do ask someone to move on, they use the Critical Mass technique of moving on, and making the movement part of the protest. Simply move to the next corner, and if it's already occupied, those people move back to the first one. Or move on in turn. That way no one ends up getting pushed from one end of the city to the other. This makes the protest very difficult to shut down, as the cops have to round up a hundred or more small groups of people, each of whom is doing very little out of the ordinary.
KURO5HIN - When I went to the June 23rd protest against Bush and his abuse of the office of President, I held up a provocative sign, "Why did Bush block the investigation of the 9/11 attacks?" The protest was large and loud - as it should be. A few thousand people showed up, but many of them could not find a place to stand in the pens that were set aside for the protest. After the protest, I walked to Bryant park - with my sign - and noticed that I got a lot more attention as a "lone-protestor." People came up to me and asked questions. Everyone in sight plainly read my sign, and many people asked me to turn it - so they could get a better view.
It dawned on me that another way to protest is for everyone to simply carry a sign on the street, on a designated day. That way more people will see the message. Imagine how powerful it would be that when you went to work, or to the shops, saw a person carrying a sign on every block, no matter where you looked and as far as you went. . .