The Progressive Review
Action notes


Action tips
An American agenda
Chicago protests
Green Party
Ideas & issues
Moral Mondays
Non profits
Sustain yourself
How to plan your own Moral Monday
Building peace teams

Corporation Search: A tool to search federal agency websites for press releases and documents related to enforcement actions against a company or individual.

Corporations that have deserted the US
for tax purposes

Moral Mondays
Tar Sands protests
Bad Ass Teachers
Koch Brothers

Products & stores supporting the right
Angel Soft
Brawny paper towels
Dixie cups
Home Depot
Miracle Gro
Quilted Northern
Papa John
Soft n Gentle
Sparkle napkins
Vanity Fair napkins



Moving towards a movement
Where change really comes from
Ideas for a better U.S.
America 2.0
A cooperative commonwealth
The care and feeding of non-profit boards
Running out of change
The quiet storm: blowin' in the wind of cultural decay
Why it's so hard to make good things happen
Getting the counter culture out of the closet
The twin tasks of a movement
Becoming and living as an actvist
Punk & protest
Being a rebel
Where is the counterculture when we need it?
Building little republics in a failing empire
Bucking the system: a scorecard
Time for a movement
What's new with me




A short guide for activists

Becoming and being an activist

Hidden issues
Tips on organizing


List of credit unions

Move your money

Organizing mass transfer to credit unions



On boycotts


How to use your smartphone in a protest

Cellphone guide for protesters

Phone app to boycott Israel


Building student unions


All about cooperatives

Building worker cooperatives

The rise of solar cooperatives


The community land trust alternative


How to organize a anti-corporate personhood drive

Background info on ALEC

States and towns that have taken action against Citizens United

Corporation Search: A tool to search federal agency websites for press releases and documents related to enforcement actions against a company or individual.


Employee ownership and co-ops: key to a new economy


How progressives can use Twitter

How progressives can use Facebook

Labor law concerning social media


Right to work laws explained

List of cars made by the UAW


How to answer people like rush Limbaugh


The non-profit blues: Can the revolution be funded?

The care and feeding of non-profit boards


Occupy directory

The Occupy Handbook

List of demands



The Work Site

Roots Action

What the Situationists could tell the Occupiers

Leading from behind

198 methods of non-violent action

Study circles


Freeway banners

Techniques of mediators

Why protest works

Why rallies fail

How to start a 99% club

Know your rights

Defend yourself against tear gas

Rights of photograpers

Cellphone guide for protesters


Global nonviolent action database


A guide to your public photography rights


Cleveland congregations join in activism


Activist teacher's handbook

How to stage a boycott at your school


Hiring more high tech women


How to keep Wall Street really occupied without living in a tent

Why public banks work



Time for a movement

A new agenda

Ideas for a better U.S.

Post empire America

America 2.0

The care and feeding of non-profit boards

Where change really comes from

Why it's so hard to make good things happen

Some things we might share

The twin tasks of a movement

Becoming and living as an actvist

Punk & protest

Being a rebel

Where is the counterculture when we need it?

Building little republics in a failing empire

Rebellions contain multitudes

Movement time

The hat trick of change

The quiet storm: blowin' in the wind of decay

Ideas for a better U.S.

Things to occupy your mind
while you're occupying someplace

End corporate personhood

Amend Congress
Elect the Attorney General
Instant runoff voting
Ballot initiatives

Public campaign financing
Urban statehood
Green Party
End the war on drugs
Single payer health plan
Dealing with foreclosures

Shared equity program
Improve jury rights
Restorative justice
Community courts

Building little republics in a failing empire
Local currency

Participatory budgeting

Alternative currencies

Credit unions
Credit unions in your state
Printing money
Restore Glass-Steigall

End credit card usury

War abolition
Lower the drinking age


New documentary: War on Whistleblowers: Free Press and the National Security State
Independent film on Detroit
Documentary on the UAW leaders, the Reuther brothers
Road to Apartheid: a documentary by a South African and a Jewish Israeli



Nothing good happens in Washington unless good people outside of Washington are mobilized, energized, and organized to make it happen.- Robert Reich

Too long have the workers of the world waited for some Moses to lead them out of bondage. He has not come; he never will come. I would not lead you out if I could for if you could be led out, you could be led back again. -- Eugene V. Debs

Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little. -- Edmund Burke

What you do is of little significance. But it is very important that you do it - Gandhi

Activism is my rent for living on this planet - Alice Walker



New film on the Koch brothers

The Most Dangerous Man in America Daniel Ellsberg risked life in prison to leak secret Pentagon documents showing the government's deception about the Vietnam War.



A guide to non violence

An interview with Saul Alinsky

FBI's War on Student Radicals, and Reagan's Rise to Power

Howard Zinn's collected speeches

Jane Adams: A new biography

Ten ways the occupy movement changes everything

An American Agenda

The establishment that no longer is

Living in a dysfunctional family called America

Change the culture; the politics will follow

America has to learn how to manage its decline

Confronting post-political disorder

How communities can take on government and corporations

A biography of Cesar Chavez and the farm workers

Learning from the Sixties: Memoir of an Organizer

This Changes Everything: The meaning and importance of the occupy movement

The Man Who Never Died: A bio of labor organizer Joe Hill including evidence that he was framed

Get Up, Stand Up: Uniting Populists, Energizing the Defeated, and Battling the Corporate Elite. . . Through his brilliant analysis, psychologist Bruce Levine explains the process by which mainstream America has become demoralized and docile, how those in power maintain that power, and what it will take to turn things around."--Jim Gottstein, President/CEO Law Project for Psychiatric Rights

Small Acts of Resistance: How Courage, Tenacity, and Ingenuity Can Change the World by Steve Crawshaw and John Jackson

Confessions of a Raving, Unconfined Nut: Misadventures in the Counterculture by Paul Krassner . . .Krassner, a long-time contributor to the now deceased print edition of the Progressive Review, is out with an expanded edition of his memoirs. . . .

ON GANDHI'S PATH: BOB SWANN'S WORK FOR PEACE AND COMMUNITY ECONOMICS by Stephanie Mills. Robert Swann was a self-taught economist, a tireless champion of decentralism, and the father of the relocalization movement. A conscientious war resistor imprisoned for his beliefs, Bob Swann engaged in lifelong nonviolent direct action against war, racism, and economic inequity. His legacy is a vision of a life-affirming, alternative economy of peace founded on innovations in land and monetary reform.

Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With India. How Gandhi became Gandhi


BUILDING POWERFUL COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS: A Personal Guide to Creating Groups That Can Solve Problems and Change the World, by Michael Jacoby Brown, Long Haul Press, $19.95.

CALLING ALL RADICALS: How Grassroots Organizers Can Save Our Democracy, by Gabriel Thompson, Nation Books, $14.95.

TOOLS FOR RADICAL DEMOCRACY: How to Organize for Power in Your Community, by Joan Minieri and Paul Getsos, Chardon Press, $29.95.

Taking Back our Neighborhoods: Building communities that work, Mary Wachter, Cynthia Tinsley. A step-by-step plan for creating a more pleasant, less violent neighborhood.

The Careless Society: Community and its Counterfeits, John McKnight. Considers how the efforts of "experts" may in fact be destroying neighborhoods; celebrates the ability of neighborhoods to heal from within. Focuses on four "counterfeiting" aspects of society: professionalism, medicine, human service systems, and the criminal justice system. Has reflections on Christian service and its transformation into carelessness.

Going Local: Creating self-reliant communities in a global age, Michael Shuman. Many communities are handing out corporate welfare to encourage businesses to relocate to their areas. Presents positive alternatives: (1) invest in locally-owned businesses like credit unions, cooperatives, community land trusts, municipally owned utilities, small worker-owned firms, community development corporations, local share-holder owned firms; (2) focus on import-replacing rather than export-led, i.e. reduce dependence on distant sources of energy, water, food, and basic materials; (3) eliminate many subsidies and change tax and trade laws. A challenge to conservative and liberals alike. I have ordered this one myself.

From Mondragon to America: Experiments in Community Economic Development, Gregory MacLeod. The Mondragon cooperatives of the Basque region of Spain grow out of the teaching of the social justice doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church. In the 1950s, five people joined together in a cooperative to make paraffin stoves in a garage. Today, the Mondragon cooperatives have more than 30,000 owner-employees in over 100 different enterprises, doing everything from manufacturing machine tools to distributing groceries.

Organizing the South Bronx. Jim Rooney, Nathan Glazer. A study of the process by which the residents of an impoverished urban neighborhood were educated and organized to fight the city government for vacant land and build low-cost, owner-occupied housing. Such organizing, mainly working through traditional churches, is rapidly growing in the US and has close relatives in Latin America. Pricey, but very interesting.

Organizing for Social Change: A manual for activists in the 1990s, Kim Bobo, et al. A comprehensive manual for grassroots organizers working for social, political, environmental, and economic change at the local, state, and national level.

The Activist's Handbook: A primer for the 1990s and beyond, Randy Shaw. A true handbook, has detailed examples of action in a wide variety of areas - crime prevention, affordable housing, ecology, and etc. Analyzes campaigns that succeeded and some that failed.

Bridging the Class Divide and Other Lessons for Grassroots Organizing, Linda Stout, Howard Zinn. Uses an organizing model with seven principles: focus on social change, work across lines of race and class, diversity of outreach and training, linking local and national issues, developing personal empowerment and organizational power, flexibility to meet changing circumstances. Intriguing.

Building Communities from the Inside Out: A path toward finding and mobilizing a community's assets, John Kretzmann and John McKnight. Studies successful community-building initiatives in hundreds of US neighborhoods.

Let the People Decide: Neighborhood organizing in America (Social Movements Past and Present), Robert Fisher. Updated and revised, studies the period 1886 to the 1980s

Fight Back: How you and your neighbors can take action to improve your community, Dennis King. An investigative reporter takes would-be community activists through the basic steps.

Rules for Radicals: A practical primer for realistic radicals, by Saul Alinsky. If you can only buy one book on community organizing, get this one. He writes from an viewpoint of left ideology (but non-marxist), yet his action principles transcend narrow sectarian politics and can, with proper adaptation and consideration of the real world situation you are in, be used in many different contexts, for both faith-based and secular organizing activities. Not for the faint of heart, but for those who are ready to go to work. The style is easy to read, you may be surprised at some of his conclusions. Read this book and you will understand more about the success of groups as divergent as the "religious right" and neighborhood community development groups.

BUILDING POWERFUL COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS: A Personal Guide to Creating Groups That Can Solve Problems and Change the World, by Michael Jacoby Brown, Long Haul Press, $19.95.

CALLING ALL RADICALS: How Grassroots Organizers Can Save Our Democracy, by Gabriel Thompson, Nation Books, $14.95.

TOOLS FOR RADICAL DEMOCRACY: How to Organize for Power in Your Community, by Joan Minieri and Paul Getsos, Chardon Press, $29.95.


. . . .

Hipsters; The dead end of western civilization

Douglas Haddow, Adbusters - Ever since the Allies bombed the Axis into submission, Western civilization has had a succession of counter-culture movements that have energetically challenged the status quo. Each successive decade of the post-war era has seen it smash social standards, riot and fight to revolutionize every aspect of music, art, government and civil society.

But after punk was plasticized and hip hop lost its impetus for social change, all of the formerly dominant streams of “counter-culture” have merged together. Now, one mutating, trans-Atlantic melting pot of styles, tastes and behavior has come to define the generally indefinable idea of the “Hipster.”

An artificial appropriation of different styles from different eras, the hipster represents the end of Western civilization – a culture lost in the superficiality of its past and unable to create any new meaning. Not only is it unsustainable, it is suicidal. While previous youth movements have challenged the dysfunction and decadence of their elders, today we have the “hipster” – a youth subculture that mirrors the doomed shallowness of mainstream society....

Hipsterdom is the first “counterculture” to be born under the advertising industry’s microscope, leaving it open to constant manipulation but also forcing its participants to continually shift their interests and affiliations. Less a subculture, the hipster is a consumer group – using their capital to purchase empty authenticity and rebellion. But the moment a trend, band, sound, style or feeling gains too much exposure, it is suddenly looked upon with disdain. Hipsters cannot afford to maintain any cultural loyalties or affiliations for fear they will lose relevance.

New vs. old civil rights groups tackled on net neutrality

How teachers' unions can change

Baltimore youth organize against incinerator

Brentin Mock, Grist - The youth of South Baltimore have scored another round in their fight to keep a mammoth waste incinerator out of their neighborhood. Baltimore County’s regional cooperative purchasing committee voted to end their contract with the company Energy Answers, which has plans to build a $1 billion solid waste-to-energy facility in the working class neighborhood of Curtis Bay. (Ever watch The Wire? Season Two? That neighborhood.)

The youth organizing group Free Your Voice, made up of students who live or attend school close to the proposed incinerator site, has been mobilizing friends, neighbors, teachers, and other school administrators over the past three years toreject the waste-burning facility. As fans of The Wire may remember, Curtis Bay is already overrun with pollution-heavy industrial operations and port activity.

Baltimore Metropolitan Council communications officer Laura Van Wert confirmed for Grist that it is preparing to part ways with the incinerator project, stating: “The Baltimore Regional Cooperative Purchasing Committee, in its continued effort to provide the most reliable and cost-effective energy to its members, voted to go in another direction on Feb. 10 and recommended termination of its contracts with Energy Answers.”

The waste-to-energy project, which would convert plastic, rubber, and trash into 160 MW of energy, had already hit some speed bumps by failing to purchase pollution offset credits by the agreed-upon date and also not securing all of the financing needed to started building. A spokesperson for Energy Answers told us that she could not comment on the council’s vote to end the contract because she had not heard anything about it yet.

America's most underrated movement

(Photo by Kaitlyn Barlow * Photographer | Cinematographer *)

David Swerdlick, Root An African-American Muslim imam, Oliver Muhammad, offered the call to prayer; members of black Greek-letter fraternities served as event marshals and as marchers in North Carolina’s Moral Monday movement began their walk across downtown Raleigh, the state’s capitol, Chapel Hill Town Council Member Maria Teresa Palmer announced—in Spanish—that “interpreters will be available at the intersection of Hargett and Fayetteville.”

It’s that kind of come one, come all event. And even though this year’s ninth annual march wasn’t as big as last year’s—one that The Nation’s Ari Berman reported as “the largest civil rights rally in the South since the Selma to Montgomery march in 1965”—organizers again brought together a diverse coalition of activists on a chilly Valentine’s Day to protest what movement leader and state NAACP president Rev. Dr. William Barber II described as the state’s—and the nation’s—“heart problem.”

And while Moral Mondays movement is left-leaning, Barber told supporters that he wanted them to be political “defibrillators” because “we find we’ve got, not a left problem, or a right problem, or a conservative problem or a liberal problem. We’ve got a heart problem. When money and greed and political hubris and pride and ego and beating your opponent become more important than working together to uplift humanity we’ve got a heart problem.”

Rev. Barber called on legislators to “fund Medicaid expansion, raise the minimum wage, index it with inflation—put it on the ballot and let the people vote,” as well as “restore cuts to public education,” reject “the attacks on women’s health and environmental protection, repeal the death penalty, reform the criminal justice system,” enact “fair immigration reform and respect the constitutional rights of all humanity, regardless of race, creed, color and sexuality.”

At a press briefing, he emphasized that his organization would wait to see if state lawmakers take action on this slate of issues in the early part of 2015—and, along with the Advancement Project—continue to pursue litigation to challenge the rollback of early voting and same-day voter registration. If there’s no action, Barber vowed, peaceful protests would continue throughout North Carolina during the summer, as they have for the last two years.

Among others joining Barber were NAACP President Cornell Brooks, American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten and Planned Parenthood Federation of America President Cecile Richards, who told The Root she was there “Because this movement for moral authority in North Carolina is a fight for all of us.”

And in contrast to other movements around the country, that have seen tensions develop between younger #BlackLivesMatter protestors and the old-guard civil rights establishment, old and young blended together for the Moral Mondays event, with Barber and other senior leaders marching in line behind younger activists and the platform program starting with a video that featured students speaking out on their issues.

Summing up the day’s events, the national NAACP’s Brooks said he doesn’t consider Moral Mondays to be a local movement, but rather, that the issues they’re fighting for go “to the very heart of our values as a nation.”

Students rebel against conventional economics


When the bad congeals and the good scatters

The art of the counter-boycott

Students for a Democratic Society is alive again  

Ferguson protestors in training

San Fran activists block Israel ship unnloading

Tom Hayden making his archives public, including 22,000 pages of FBI files

High school students walk out to protest plan to eliminate protest from history courses

NYC has to pay over a half million to Occupiers

Legal assistance to the poor

Students from across the University of North Carolina system have taken to the streets in recent months to demand an education system that they can graduate from without taking on crushing student debt.

Gloria Steinem at 80

Getting the free speech movement going 50 years ago

McDonald’s workers in New York, California and Michigan filed class action suits against the chain, as well as several franchises, for wage theft violations. The cases accuse the fast-food giant of “systematically stealing employees’ wages by forcing them to work off the clock, shaving hours off their time cards and not paying them overtime, among other practices,” according to a press release by the workers’ lawyers.

Populist movement growing

Church and labor come together

Nonviolence works

Building peace teams

The activist weakness of the Internet

Major whistleblowing organization broken into

US psychologists' association rejects ban on aiding military interrogations

2004 GOP convention produces largest protest settlement in history

How corporations try to crush activism

Moral Mondays

The return of fusion politics

The idea behind the Moral Movement

Moral March protest catches hold big time in North Carolina

The Georgia Moral Monday movement

Moral Mondays launches new Freedom Summer

Chicago protests

Chicago Teachers Union

About the Chicago teacher rebellion

Chicago police beat protesters with batons

Rahm Emanuel's police state

Three Chicago activists charged with fire bombs, but defense says it was undercover agents who brought them

Rahm Emanuel's war against First Amendment continues

Chicago & Secret Service reported plotting forced evacuation during summit

Chicago capitalists told how to dress to avoid protesters

Chicago anti-protest plans becoming bizarre

Chicago's war on protests escalates

Emanuel trying to suppress protests with higher fines


Occupy Wall Streeters win big settlement from NYPD


Ben of Ben & Jerry's says small business and Occupiers should be working together

Report: Oakland police used 'overwhelming military-type response' against Occupiers

Community radio and the Occupy movemen

Ben and Jerry add dough to the Occupy movement

What the Situationists could tell the Occupiers

Infiltration widespread in Occupy movement


Non profits

American Prospect raises enough money to stay afloat isn't what it appears to be

Supports union busting

The collapse of Pacifica radio

Democracy Alliance dumps progressive organizations


Progress report: Unions & cooperatives

The future of labor unions and community coalitions

Chicago teachers take on Rahm Emanuel

AFL-CIO - Some 1,200 workers at the Hilton Los Angeles Airport hotel will share a $2.5 million settlement to a class-action suit that alleged the hotel withheld wages, failed to pay overtime and failed to provide meal and rest breaks to workers from 2004 to 2011.

AFL-CIO wants to cancel Citizens United

Things looking better for unions

Building student unions

1800 University of Oregon profs win union status

The right to unionize should be treated as a civil right

Koch Brothers

Koch brothers own 50% of Cato Institute, want more

Wisconsin based companies to treat the way Scott Walker treats labor unions


Student leader elected to Chile's Congress

U.N. urges end of U.S. embargo on Cuba for 22nd time

NY's City College uses force to silence student protest

Tale of two meetings

Bernie Sanders helps to organize the south

Reflections on OWS

Word: The limits of leadership

How a hacker and a rapper came together to help reduce murders in New Orleans over beefs

Passings: Saul Landau

What protests in Turkey, Egypt and Brazil have in common

Progressive activism bubbling up

From activism to clicktivism

Report: Hard times for fund raisers

Local Heroes: Retired Philly Police Captain (And Occupy Wall Street Protester) Won’t Take Off His Uniform





Top social change documentaries of 2012

FBI failed to warn Occupiers of planned assasination attempt

Movements that worked in 2012

A journalist on living in the Occupy movement

Amnesty International staff and management in major struggle

Sandy remakes the Occupy movement

Moving towards a movement

Activist idea of the day

Police went undercover to spy on Occupy Austin

The failure of the AFL-CIO

UAW endorses a Green Party candidate

The Illuminator Project

The Spanish anti-austerity movement

A jolt of student activism

Reviving student organizing

Interview with peace activist David Swanson

Senator Wyden wants warrent for GPS tracking

Issues behind the Hyatt boycott

Major boycott of Hyatt hotels

Amnesty International USA's new politics stirs opposition

Growing interest in worker ownership

Interview with Green Party veep nominee

Philadelphia mayor denying water to Occupiers in heat wave


Father Berrigan still on the case at 92

Tourism as a tool of social change

Suspended for civil disobedience, students create their own 'freedom school'

Vermont nuclear battle shows why states rights are important

Vermont says no to Citizens United

Good list of articles on the continuing problems in the Gulf

Community radio poised for big comeback

Colorado GOP assembly and Democratic convention vote to legalize pot

The city that shows how to fight hunger

Another reason to boycott movies

Bank divestment movement growing

The attack on the Postal Service

Why abused America has such a hard time fighting back

Churches move millions from Wall Street

Slogan of the day: Don't Iraq Iran

The case for crashing the justice system

Twitter just sold your tweets

POGO adds 40 new firms to its federal contractor misconduct database

Grad students campaign to unionize

Nader calls for $10 minimum wage

Youth curfew killed in Maryland

Current TV: new media hope for progressives?

Big nonprofit suddenly stops operations

Nearly one billion people belong to (and own) cooperatives

Cash mobs helping local businesses

Ran across a nifty little action device used by Left Action in the wake of the healthcare bill. Senator DeMint had argued that the GOP would defeat the bill and that it would be President Obama's "Waterloo." So, after the bill passed, Left Action got its supporters to post the ABBA song "Waterloo" - using direct links to YouTube - over and over again on DeMint's Facebook page.

Mainstream media pushes false notion that progressive protests are violent

New torture device to use against protesters

Nurses' union pushing tax on financial transactions



Ten ways the occupy movement changes everything

Protest technique of the day

Organizing Florida faculty

The fight to end corporate personhood

How USB dead drop file sharing works


Volunteering gets you more sex


Local heroes

We told you about the British library asking its patrons to remove all its books to protest its potential closing. Well, it worked. The 'Wot No Books' campaign removed all 16,000 with librarians checking out as many 380 books an hour. The Guardian quoted one user as saying, "The library is the one place where you find five-year-olds and 90-year-olds together, and it's where young people learn to be proper citizens'. It's crazy even to consider closing it.'"


The non-profit blues: Can the revolution be funded?

Eric Tang, Post Capitalist Project - Non-profits, also known as non-governmental organizations, are often stripped down to their barest and most essential nature as an IRS tax category: the 501(c)3. This official registration with the government grants the accreditation needed to receive government funding and funds through private philanthropic foundations. In exchange, the grassroots non-profit must adopt legally binding by-laws, elect a board of directors modeled after corporations, and open board minutes and fiscal accounting to the public. Previously considered anathema to the grassroots Left, these practices are accepted governing principles of many community organizations. . .

Years ago the Left made a decision to go down a certain road towards non-profit incorporation. There were some victories but also a good number of political casualties, according to those who took part in that turn. Yet open dialogue on the complex challenges posed by the non-profit has often taken a back seat to the immediate need of getting important work done. Resultantly, a new generation of leaders inherit the unresolved dilemmas.

New activists in community, labor, and justice struggles are soon made aware that they bear heavy burdens. They must carry forth movements that ended Jim Crow, created environmental justice, and inspired mass anti-war protests. The young organizer can take a course that covers Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and the United Farm Workers and learn that all union members, even the lowest paid, contributed regular membership dues. Chavez insisted, "this is the only way the workers will 'own' the organization." Young activists will inevitably take a hard look at grassroots organizing that lives on foundation grants, hires a development director to raise funds to free others to do the real work, and adopts management systems which are foreign, if not alienating, to the values and skills-set of the grassroots base. Contradictions will be analyzed:

Why do we apply for a police permit to protest the police? …Because if we break the law, our board is liable.

Why can't we lobby? …Because that would violate our 501(c)3 status and the conditions of our grant.

Why not just take the streets? …Because insurance doesn't cover it. . .

Indeed, the majority of organizational leaders I've sat down with over the past year and a half-whose work ranges from defeating the onset of neoliberal policies in public schools, to the ongoing struggle against police violence, to defending the rights of immigrant communities-have experienced, to varying degrees, an onset of the NP blues. They are concerned about the ways in which the priorities of philanthropy tamper with the organizing work, or how NP governance makes impossible the principle of unity which calls for youth and working class people at the center. Worse still is how hiring and promotion policies have led to competition and individualism among the ranks.








An interesting interview with Nelson Mandela appears in Time Magazine in which Mandela lays out ten principles of leadership. Number 3 particularly struck us because it is one that seems to have been forgotten in an age governed by corporate executive systems of control rather than the community organizer's rules of getting things done:

No. 3: Lead from the back - and let others believe they are in front. Mandela loved to reminisce about his boyhood and his lazy afternoons herding cattle. "You know," he would say, "you can only lead them from behind." . . .

As a boy, Mandela was greatly influenced by Jongintaba, the tribal king who raised him. When Jongintaba had meetings of his court, the men gathered in a circle, and only after all had spoken did the king begin to speak. The chief's job, Mandela said, was not to tell people what to do but to form a consensus. "Don't enter the debate too early," he used to say.

"During the time I worked with Mandela, he often called meetings of his kitchen cabinet at his home in Houghton, a lovely old suburb of Johannesburg. He would gather half a dozen men, Ramaphosa, Thabo Mbeki (who is now the South African President) and others around the dining-room table or sometimes in a circle in his driveway. Some of his colleagues would shout at him - to move faster, to be more radical - and Mandela would simply listen. When he finally did speak at those meetings, he slowly and methodically summarized everyone's points of view and then unfurled his own thoughts, subtly steering the decision in the direction he wanted without imposing it. The trick of leadership is allowing yourself to be led too. "It is wise," he said, "to persuade people to do things and make them think it was their own idea."




Your editor was recently on a local Pacifica station program during which a participant suggested that public opposition to the Iraq war had been minimal. Longtime DC activist Jenefer Ellingston writes to note that "in February 2003 20 million people around the world demonstrated against Bush's plan to invade Iraq. . . probably the first protest before an invasion. It was the largest anti-war march in the history of anti-war demonstrations. Not just several million in America - In DC, NYC, Boston, Chicago, Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles . . . and smaller cities, but every capitol in Europe. Not thousands, millions.

"It's possible that one reason the peace movement is not visible in large numbers is: It's too expensive. That's why protests have been organized in cities across America - barely mentioned and rarely covered by the media. Our last demonstrations took place in 600 cities. Suppose there were 1,000 people in each of those 600 cities . . . that's a lot of people."





DC's police chief Kathy Lanier came up with a plan to get people to allow officers to search their homes for any object by granting them immunity only from the city' gun law. The local ACLU, led by Johnny Barnes, got on the case with a door to door information campaign that soon turned into a neighborhood march. With this sort of protest, Chief Lanier soon backed off of her sneaky search scheme.



RURAL VOTES - Texas Republicans have worked overtime to make it harder for key Democratic voting groups to vote and be represented fairly. For the Prairie View A&M University precincts, they put the early-polling place more than seven miles from the school. So what did the students do? They shut down the highway as they marched seven miles to cast their votes on the first day of early voting.




[We recently came across this while rummaging through our files. It was written by Edward Schwartz of the Institute for the Study of Civic Values for Social Policy in 1974]

Mr. Thomas Jefferson
Continental Congress
Independence Hall
Philadelphia, Pa.

Dear Mr. Jefferson:

We have read your "Declaration of Independence" with great interest. Certainly, it represents a considerable undertaking, and many of your statements do merit serious consideration. Unfortunately, the Declaration as a whole fails to meet recently adopted specifications for proposals to the Crown, so we must return the document to you for further refinement. The questions which follow might assist you in your process of revision.

1. In your opening paragraph you use the phrase "the Laws of Nature and Nature's God." What are these laws? In what way are they the criteria on which you base your central arguments? Please document with citations from the recent literature.

2. In the same paragraph you refer to the "opinions of mankind." Whose polling data are you using? Without specific evidence, it seems to us, the "opinions of mankind" are a matter of opinion.

3. You hold certain truths to be "self-evident." Could you please elaborate. If they are as evident as you claim, then it should not be difficult for you to locate the appropriate supporting statistics.

4. "Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" seem to be the goals of your proposal. These are not measurable goals. If you were to say that "among these is the ability to sustain an average life expectancy in six of the 13 colonies of at least 55 years, and to enable all newspapers in the colonies to print news without outside interference, and to raise the average income of the colonists by 10 percent in the next 10 years," these would be measurable goals. Please clarify.

5. You state that "whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government. ..." Have you weighed this assertion against all the alternatives? Or is it predicated solely on the baser instincts?

6. Your description of the existing situation is quite extensive. Such a long list of grievances should precede the statement of goals, not follow it.

7. Your strategy for achieving your goal is not developed at all. You state that the colonies "ought to be Free and Independent States," and that they are "Absolved from All Allegiance to the British Crown." Who or what must change to achieve this objective? In what way must they change? What resistance must you overcome to achieve the change? What specific steps will you take to overcome the resistance? How long will it take? We have found that a little foresight in these areas helps to prevent careless errors later on.

8. Who among the list of signatories will be responsible for implementing your strategy? Who conceived it? Who provided the theoretical research? Who will constitute the advisory committee? Please submit an organization chart.

9. You must include an evaluation design. We have been requiring this since Queen Anne's War.

10. What impact will your program have? Your failure to include any assessment of this inspires little confidence in the long-range prospects of your undertaking.

11. Please submit a PERT diagram, an activity chart, and an itemized budget.

We hope that these comments prove useful in revising your "Declaration of Independence."

Best Wishes,

Lord North





JUNE 2006








HOWARD ZINN, THE PROGRESSIVE - What does it take to bring a turnaround in social consciousness - from being a racist to being in favor of racial equality, from being in favor of Bush's tax program to being against it, from being in favor of the war in Iraq to being against it? We desperately want an answer, because we know that the future of the human race depends on a radical change in social consciousness.

It seems to me that we need not engage in some fancy psychological experiment to learn the answer, but rather to look at ourselves and to talk to our friends. We then see, though it is unsettling, that we were not born critical of existing society. There was a moment in our lives (or a month, or a year) when certain facts appeared before us, startled us, and then caused us to question beliefs that were strongly fixed in our consciousness - embedded there by years of family prejudices, orthodox schooling, imbibing of newspapers, radio, and television.


[NEWS of February's first international conference on gross national happiness has only just reached us from Bhutan.]





[From Hungarian Ambassador Andras Simonyi's speech at the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland on November 8]

ANDRAS SIMONYI - I was four when Russians tanks rolled down the streets of Budapest. . . I was just a kid and I didn't really understand what was happening. But it did leave a strong mark in my mind. I must say that I had a great family - a great father, mother, a brother and a sister, who helped preserve a life for me. That was pretty much like yours; they were very protective. This family took me to Denmark in 1960 where my father was trade representative, I had the luck to go to an American school - that's probably why I picked up some English and Danish, and I had the honor to just live the ordinary life of an ordinary guy on the streets of Copenhagen. . .

While I was in Denmark, particularly in '66 and '67, like the Danes embraced the rock music at its best, like the Danes got to know Cream, Jimmy Hendrix, Zappa, Jefferson Airplane, Janis Joplin and you name it, I got to know them as well. I was listening to this kind of music day and night. I didn't know what the underlying message was and I didn't care. I just thought this was something that I had to embrace.

In 1965, I bought with the help of my father my first guitar. . . It was a great guitar, it's a copy of a Fender Jaguar. I had a great time until in '67 we moved back to Budapest. Budapest at that time was not a very funny place. It was a pretty tough, dark, and gloomy place. It was just ten years after the 1956 revolution which was broken by the Soviets. Still, society was quietly and slowly coming alive. But it was a very tough place to be, especially for me who'd got used to freedom - freedom in the way I dressed, freedom in the way I communicated, freedom in the way I talked to people, and freedom in the way I picked up my music.

The music that I thought so much of was simply not available in Hungary. I stayed a year with an aunt and uncle of mine who turned out to be a very conservative communist. And honestly, they didn't get it when I started to explain about Good Vibrations and the Four Tops and the Spencer Davis group. She didn't understand. And my brother and I, we had a big old Bakelite radio that I got from my father so we could listen to Western radio stations and we used to listen to that at night. Listening to that music at night was very important to us to keep track of what was going on in the West. One night as we were listening to some real nice stuff, the old man came in, very angry, and took away the radio. Next day we asked for an audience and we said "Sorry for having listened to this music so loud," and he said "The problem was not that it was loud. The problem was that you were listening to a Western radio station." That was something that really hurt us - I was 14 and my brother was 16 - being told you're not allowed to listen to music on a Western radio station that we always used to listen to. That was real tough. And we got to understand very quickly that this Hungary is not very similar to the Denmark where we used to live.

Still, you had to keep going and it was so important for me, my continuing to keep in touch with the music scene in the West. It kept us sane and kind of made us part of the free world. We would listen to Radio Free Europe, Voice of America, and above all, to Radio Luxemburg. We used to listen to this stuff at night and as we listened to this radio, as we listened to Radio Luxemburg, we were suddenly out of our bodies and our soul was part of the free world. We would join our peers in the West. We would be part of the scene that was so natural for all of you here in the United States or in England or Denmark or Holland or elsewhere in the free world.

As I returned to Hungary, I was a good student. I don't know if I was smart but I always had good grades and that was in order to get things out the way so I could do my music. I did a lot of practicing, formed my own band, and got in touch with the Hungarian music scene which, strangely enough, started to grow immediately after the rock explosion in the West. The instruments were lousy, so I was a cool guy, I had great instruments. Instruments in general were no good but some guys somehow managed to get great instruments and they produced some good sound. And it was so good to be a part of this. That's where I met my old-time very best friend, Gabor Presser, who was my mentor, was my great friend - he's still my best friend, and he's still a great musician. . .

Of course, there was no records to be had. Here, you heard Led Zeppelin on the radio, the next day you walked into a record shop and bought it. In Hungary, we couldn't do that. Therefore, when we got hold of records, it was so much valuable. It was much more meaningful to us - it was not just something to consume, to buy. It wasn't just owning it; it was way beyond that. No one Hungarian had all the records, but somehow Hungarians together managed to get all the records. We would copy these records. I hope the copyright guys don't listen now because, honestly, whatever the reason, they would have clamped down on the Hungarians copying this stuff. But we would walk into this record store that would make one single copy of a record and sell it to us. We would tape it and then spread it five hundred times. That was kind of nice. That was really important to us. One way or another, we were very much part of the scene. . .

I created my own band and it was kind of a strange band. . . We used to play Cream in '67, '68 and '69. I would do Rory Gallagher, I would do some early Fleetwood Mac stuff. It was really very special because I'd always thought this was at the avant-garde of rock music. In 1969 however a band led by Stevie Winwood called Traffic, which I loved so much, came to Budapest. I had no idea how they got there and it was the strangest thing because I would know all the Traffic tunes by heart, you name it and I could sing it and I try to play it. "Mr. Fantasy" and "Medicated Goo," or whatever. . .

With the help of my father, I figured out where Traffic would be staying, which hotel, and after the concert I'd hang out at the hotel and Stevie Winwood shows up and it is like, I don't know, may I say it is like God showing up? And I started talking to him and we had some words and he said I'm sorry, I got to go, but I figured out that maybe it would be a good idea that I act as a guide for the rest of the group. So I took Jim Capaldi, the drummer, and Albert, the road manager down to Lake Balaton - which, by the way, is a place you've to got visit sometime - and we hung out for a couple of days. I was very really into something very special, talking to these people. That left a lasting mark on my attitude to music. Here is what happened: A few weeks ago my guys came back and said Stevie Winwood is playing in Washington this weekend. We got hold of Stevie Winwood and I went down to see the concert, a great concert. We started talking about what happened 35 years ago. He said "Yes, I remember. I didn't go to the Lake with you because I had to go and listen to some gipsy music." And I said "Steve, how did you get [to Hungary]?" He said "I don't know because we didn't go to any of the other East European communist countries." "Can you give me an explanation?" He said "Call Chris Blackwell." So I called Chris Blackwell, who was then their manager and I asked, "Chris, what the hell was Traffic doing in Hungary?" He said, "Look, I think you had some opening in '68 because no one else would take us in but Hungarians were crazy with this music and somehow the authorities allowed this to happen."

I didn't know then, and it didn't click, that was exactly the couple of years when the system lightened up a little, culture lightened up a little, economy lightened up a little, and of course Hungarians embraced as much as they could from the free world in this short opening which only lasted until 1972. But it was also something interesting that I have to tell you, and it didn't click before I talked to Steve Winwood: Hungarians didn't understand the text [of any of the rock tunes]. And I just suddenly realized that it was not the text but the power of music, the power of a couple of guys standing on stage with a Stratocaster, with a Fender bass, a guy playing on organ, a drummer playing a Gretsch drum set, that really made Hungarians think this was something very important.

So while the authorities tried to limit through the propaganda machinery the impact of this on Hungarians and obviously also on other Central Eastern Europeans, there was no way to stop the onslaught of the message of freedom through rock and roll. That was the most powerful instrument to convey the message to my generation about the free world. I do believe today, what the satellite and VHS was for the '80s and what the Internet is today, was rock and roll and rock music in the '60s and the early '70s. It was about sending a strong message of freedom through the Berlin Wall to us who were living behind the Iron Curtain. . .

We wanted to make music come as close to the best of the best in the free world as we could. . . And the funny thing was - you should understand that the lyrics were censored. We always had to scratch out something. We always had to change the words. When we spoke about the freedom of man or the freedom of the world, they would put something foolish into the text. They didn't realize that the music itself was more powerful than the text. They didn't realize that the real power lay in the music. So therefore my fellow musicians, those who came after us, they tried and expanded our little freedoms as much as they could. Sometimes they would hurt us, sometimes they wouldn't. Sometimes they would "understand" what we were doing, sometimes not. . .

In 1972, I was going to defect from Hungary. I said, this is not the world I want to live in. I remember in 1972, I was standing in the railway station in Copenhagen and I called my mother and I said "Mom, I am not coming home." And she said "Son, okay, you're not coming home, but then I and Dad and your brother and sister will not be able to live the lives we want them to live." So I went back. And frankly, I didn't regret it because in 1974 I met Nada, my wife. That was a big deal and I think I enchanted her by starting to - I remember we were sitting in a bus and I started explaining to her about the new George Harrison hit "Bangladesh" and, you know, I described it to her from all angles. I think I was successful because she changed a lot through my convincing.

But I also want to tell you that in the meanwhile there was a hardening of the system and two guys from the band Locomotive GT defected to the United States. The drummer [Jozsef (Joe) Laux], and my great friend and hero the guitarist Tamas Barta. The saddest of all stories is that Tamas arrived in the United States and figured out that he will not be the great star that he used to be in Hungary and he will not be able to make it here and he ended up being shot in Los Angeles. It's a sad story but he really never was able to leave Hungary spiritually. Wanted to embrace so much the free world, the West. And this collision of the lack of freedom and wanting to be a Hungarian led to his fate. I miss him still. . .

In 1988. . . Amnesty International was on a world tour, and that was the year when I knew the Wall will be torn down and we will put an end to the Cold War and Hungary will soon be free. Amnesty International was brought to Hungary by Sting, Peter Gabriel, Tracy Chapman, and Bruce Springsteen. Just imagine the powerful message of Bruce Springsteen singing "Born in the USA" at the stadium in Budapest and 80,000 Hungarian kids roaring and saying, yes, we're together. That was the year when I was 100 percent convinced that [communism] will be over soon. My friends in the West reacted in disbelief, but I was right. What stronger message than the message that came through rock music can you imagine?

In 1989, the world moved on and Hungary was free again. You might wonder, what next? My personal life, the music that I embraced all my life has played an incredible role of since. I have a very easy rapport with my friends and colleagues in the West, primarily in the United States. I got to know friends who are working for the U.S. government when we suddenly figured out that we were listening to the same kind of music. I name one song, you name the band. That's how I met your ambassador to Moscow [Alexander Vershbow], who used to be my friend and colleague in NATO, and he used to be a rock musician when he was a kid, still plays. And as we grew closer, as Hungary started to move into NATO, the closer this friendship grew. We jammed together and this really made our friendship close. We both agree that this is something that has to continue to glue us together.

I believe that rock music is not imperial, not imperialistic. Mozart used to belong to the Austrians. Does anyone ask anywhere in the world - in China, in the United States, in Brazil, in Moscow - where Mozart came from? You couldn't care less. The music that Traffic played, that Cream played, that Jimmy Hendrix played, that "Skunk" Baxter played belongs not to the United States or to the UK any longer - it belongs all of us. . . Rock and roll music is universal; it is a universal language. It's easy to embrace. It speaks to the people. That is why it was so useful and meaningful in penetrating communist society. Because it was understandable for all the peoples. It was not aristocratic, it belonged to all of us, the man on the street - the little guy who was walking on the streets of Budapest and the little guy who was walking on the streets of Warsaw or Prague. Just like the little guy walking in the streets of New York, Los Angeles, or Cleveland.

Try, if you haven't tried it, the excitement of strumming a Stratocaster. I think that's the closest you can get to heaven before you really get there. Rock is about freedom, rock is believing in our freedom and the freedom of others. I reject the attacks that I hear on rock and roll music. . .




UNITED STATES  - SAM SMITH, WHY BOTHER? - In rock and rap -- as in blues and folk music earlier -- people found that what they couldn't achieve could still be sung or shouted about. And central to this sound was not just a message but who was allowed to deliver it. For example, the music webzine, Fast 'n' Bulbous, described punk this way:

"Punk gives the message that no one has to be a genius to do it him/herself. Punk invented a whole new spectrum of do-it-yourself projects for a generation. Instead of waiting for the next big thing in music to be excited about, anyone with this new sense of autonomy can make it happen themselves by forming a band. Instead of depending on commercial media, from the big papers and television to New Musical Express and Rolling Stone, to tell them what to think, anyone can create a fanzine, paper, journal or comic book. With enough effort and cooperation they can even publish and distribute it. Kids were eventually able to start their own record labels too. Such personal empowerment leads to other possibilities in self-employment and activism.

To move from challenging record companies to taking on the World Trade Organization was not an easy or obvious journey, but clearly some of the attitudes that made the anti-globalization protests possible were formed in clubs and not at conferences. . .

By the end of the 1990s, an unremittingly political band, Rage Against the Machine, had sold more than 7 million copies of its first two albums and its third, The Battle of Los Angele, (released on Election Day 1999), sold 450,000 copies its first week. Nine months later, there would be a live battle of Los Angeles as the police shut down a RATM concert at the Democratic Convention.

Throughout the 1990s, during a nadir of activism and an apex of greed, RATM both raised hell and made money. In 1993 the band, appearing at Lollapalooza III in Philadelphia, stood naked on stage for 15 minutes without singing or playing a note in a protest against censorship. . . In 1997, well before most college students were paying any attention to the issue, Rage's Tom Morello was arrested during a protest against sweatshop labor. Throughout this period no members of the band were invited to discuss politics with Ted Koppel or Jim Lehrer. But a generation heard them anyway.


PROTESTS, like everything else in life, can become pretty sterile. But browsing an online history of punk in DC, we came across a fascinating description of the role of local punk rockers in the anti-apartheid movement including drumming the hell out of the South African embassy. Go to the site, click on enter and then find the embassy on the map.


MICHAEL ALBERT, who advocates what he calls participatory economics, has some important thoughts on why current day social movements don't do better in this interview. It's a point your editor has been trying to make for sometime, as in his 1993 book "Shadows of Hope:"Go back to the 60s and Ralph Nader was about the only public interest lawyer in town who wore a suit and his wasn't pressed. Today, many advocacy groups have drifted into the lawyerly style and pace of the establishment they are supposedly trying to change. They have, in their own way, become capital institutions, part of the ritualized, status-conscious, and very safe, trench warfare of the city."


PAUL ROCKWELL, COMMON DREAMS - In her address at the World Social Forum in Porte Allegre, Brazil, January 27th, 2003, Arundhati Roy put out a call for a new strategy of non-cooperation. . . "The U.S. economy," she writes, "is strung out across the globe. It's economic outposts are exposed and vulnerable. Our strategy must be to isolate empire's working parts and disable them one by one. No target is too small. No victory too insignificant."

"We could reverse the idea of economic sanctions imposed on poor countries by Empire and its Allies. We could impose a regime of people's sanctions on every corporation that has been awarded a contract in post-war Iraq. Each one of them should be named, exposed and boycotted-forced out of business. It would be a great start."

Weekend protests, Roy tells us, are not enough. "What we need to discuss urgently are strategies of resistance...Gandhi's salt march was not just political theatre. In a simple act of defiance, thousands of Indians marched to the sea and made their own salt. It was a direct strike at the economic underpinning of the British Empire."

"Already the Internet is buzzing with elaborate lists of American and British government products and companies that should be boycotted...They could become a practical guide that directs and channels the amorphous but growing fury in the world." . . .



[A wonderful example of the sort of coalition that can be built around a single issue even if participants disagree on many other things. In addition to the groups mentioned below two local car dealers, some resataurant owners, and the owner of four gas stations have also come out agains the stadium]

S.A. MILLER, WASHINGTON TIMES - A diverse coalition including local politicians, black-power militants, homosexual activists and child-welfare advocates has emerged to oppose plans for a Major League Baseball stadium in Southeast, as the D.C. Council today begins debating legislation for the "sweetheart" ballpark deal. A group calling itself No D.C. Taxes for Baseball, made up of more than 20 organizations ranging from the New Black Panther Party to D.C. Action for Children, plans to demonstrate this morning on the steps of the John A. Wilson Building, home of the City Council and the mayor's office. . . Other groups in the coalition are the Campaign for the D.C. School Budget, the Council of Latino Agencies, D.C. Black Church Initiative, D.C. Fiscal Policy Institute, D.C. Library Renaissance Project, the D.C. League of Women Voters, Parents United for the D.C. Public Schools, Save D.C. Parks and Play Spaces, the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless and Wider Opportunities for Women. Although they represent an array of causes, the groups are united in the belief that the District could better spend taxpayer money on any one of their missions. They also agree that when the Montreal Expos relocate to the District, the team could make RFK Stadium its permanent home.


BUT IT'S ALASKA AFTER ALL. About 375 clothed people formed an S.O.S. and a peace sign in a snow covered hayfield near Fairbanks, to speak out against the threatened war in Iraq. The sign, created by a diverse group of peace activists and church members, was 100 feet tall and 250 feet wide. For an incredible collection of similar protests around the world go to Baring Witness DORIS PFALMER PFOTO


SYDNEY INDY MEDIA - There's been discussion in geek circles about using the idea of flash mobs in protests. The idea is to get a large number of protestors to spread out over the target area and blanket it for a certain time. Rather than gathering a couple of hundred people outside the town hall, put a couple of people on each of the street corners in the central city, each with a placard and flyers. This way the protest reaches many more people directly, and in a more approachable way - one or two people are not as intimidating as a big group, and are more able to use the space without breaking any laws.

Media impact will most probably come indirectly. The first protest might get direct media, as they chase about trying to find out what's going on. After that I think it's more likely to be viral - people telling others about what they saw and the flyer they got. I think this is actually more useful to groups looking for an educational campaign rather than to apply media pressure to a politician, for instance.

If the police do ask someone to move on, they use the Critical Mass technique of moving on, and making the movement part of the protest. Simply move to the next corner, and if it's already occupied, those people move back to the first one. Or move on in turn. That way no one ends up getting pushed from one end of the city to the other. This makes the protest very difficult to shut down, as the cops have to round up a hundred or more small groups of people, each of whom is doing very little out of the ordinary.

KURO5HIN - When I went to the June 23rd protest against Bush and his abuse of the office of President, I held up a provocative sign, "Why did Bush block the investigation of the 9/11 attacks?" The protest was large and loud - as it should be. A few thousand people showed up, but many of them could not find a place to stand in the pens that were set aside for the protest. After the protest, I walked to Bryant park - with my sign - and noticed that I got a lot more attention as a "lone-protestor." People came up to me and asked questions. Everyone in sight plainly read my sign, and many people asked me to turn it - so they could get a better view.

It dawned on me that another way to protest is for everyone to simply carry a sign on the street, on a designated day. That way more people will see the message. Imagine how powerful it would be that when you went to work, or to the shops, saw a person carrying a sign on every block, no matter where you looked and as far as you went. . .