Behind the Bushes
BEHIND THE BUSHES INDEX
ROVE ACCUSED OF TRYING TO SMEAR ALABAMA
IN THE LIFE OF KARL ROVE
DEMOCRACY NOW - In 1970, College Republican Rove stole letterhead
from the Illinois Democratic campaign of Alan Dixon, and used
it to invite hundreds of people to Dixon's new headquarters opening,
promising "free beer, free food, girls and a good time for
nothing," disrupting the event.
In 1973, Rove
ran for chairman of the College Republicans. He challenged the
front-runner's delegates, throwing the national convention into
disarray, after which both he and his opponent, Robert Edgeworth,
claimed victory. The dispute was resolved when Rove was selected
through the direct order of the chairman of the Republican National
Committee, who at the time was none other than George H.W. Bush.
When Rove advised
on George W. Bush's 1994 race for governor of Texas against Democratic
incumbent Ann Richards, a persistent whisper campaign in conservative
East Texas wrongly suggested that Richards was a lesbian. According
to Texas journalist Lou Dubose: "No one ever traced the
character assassination to Rove. Yet no one doubts that Rove
was behind it. It's a process on which he holds a patent. . .
After John McCain
thumped George W. Bush in the 2000 New Hampshire primary, with
48 percent of the vote to Bush's 30%, a massive smear campaign
was launched in South Carolina, a key battleground. TV attack
ads from third groups and anonymous fliers circulated, variously
suggesting that McCain's experience as a prisoner of war in Vietnam
left him mentally scarred with an uncontrollable temper, that
his wife, Cindy, abused drugs and that he had an African-American
"love child." In fact, the McCains adopted their daughter
Bridget from a Bangladesh orphanage run by Mother Teresa.
the investigation of Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, Rove
played a central role in the outing of undercover CIA operative
Valerie Plame to columnist Robert Novak and former Time magazine
reporter Matthew Cooper, in retaliation for her husband Joe Wilson's
accusation that the Bush administration falsely claimed that
Saddam Hussein sought uranium in Niger.
ABOUT KARL ROVE
WIKIPEDIA - According
to a 2003 New Yorker profile, Rove, the second of five children,
found out at nineteen (during his parents' divorce negotiations)
that the man who raised him was not his biological father. Rove's
mother would later commit suicide (in Reno, Nevada, in 1981).
In 1970, at the
age of nineteen and while a protege of Donald Segretti (later
convicted as a Watergate conspirator), Rove snuck into the campaign
office of Illinois Democrat Alan Dixon and stole some letterhead,
which he used to print fake campaign rally fliers promising "free
beer, free food, girls and a good time for nothing," and
distributed them at rock concerts and homeless shelters. Admitting
to the incident much later, Rove said, "I was nineteen and
I got involved in a political prank."
out of the University of Utah in 1971 to become the Executive
Director of the College Republican National Committee and held
this position until 1972 when he became their National Chairman
(1973-1974). As Chairman, Rove had access to many powerful politicians
and government officials of the Republican party, and formed
ties with George H. W. Bush, then Chairman of the Republican
National Committee (1973-1974). . .
For the next
few years, Rove worked in various Republican circles and assisted
George H. W. Bush's 1980 vice-presidential campaign. Rove introduced
Bush to Lee Atwater. A signature tactic of Rove was to attack
an opponent on the opponent's strongest issue. . . .
In 1986, just
before a crucial debate in the election for governor of Texas,
Karl Rove announced that his office had been bugged by the Democrats.
It was later claimed that Rove had bugged his own phone to garner
In 1992, Rove
was fired from George H. W. Bush's 1992 presidential re-election
campaign for allegedly leaking information to journalist Robert
Novak. State campaign manager Robert Mosbacher had allotted Rove
only one-quarter of the campaign's $1 million direct mail contract,
after Rove had the entire contract in 1988. As Novak wrote, "Also
attending the session was political consultant Karl Rove, who
had been shoved aside by Mosbacher". Novak's column described
the firing of Mosbacher by former Senator Phil Gramm. Novak and
Rove deny that Rove was the leaker. Mosbacher maintains that
"Rove is the only one with a motive to leak this. We let
him go. I still believe he did it.". . .
In 1993, according
to the New York Times, John Ashcroft's campaign paid Karl Rove
& Co. over $300,000 to aid his (eventually successful) Senate
race. . .
In 2000, it is
suspected that Rove masterminded a push poll during the South
Carolina primaries which asked potential voters "Would you
be more likely or less likely to vote for John McCain for president
if you knew he had fathered an illegitimate black child?".
Since McCain was campaigning with his adopted Banglideshi daughter,
an image quickly gathered around that statement. . .
In March 2001,
Rove met with executives from Intel, successfully advocating
a merger between a Dutch company and an Intel company supplier.
Rove owned $100,000 in Intel stock at the time. In June 2001,
Rove met with two pharmaceutical industry lobbyists. At the time,
Rove held almost $250,000 in drug industry stocks. On 30 June
2001, Rove divested his stocks in 23 companies, which included
more than $100,000 in each Enron, Boeing, General Electric, and
Pfizer. On 30 June 2001, the White House admitted that Rove was
involved in administration energy policy meetings, while at the
same time holding stock in energy companies including Enron.
June 23, 2005,
marked another controversial statement from Rove, when he said
that "Liberals saw the savagery of the 9/11 attacks and
wanted to prepare indictments and offer therapy and understanding
for our attackers." Conservatives, he said, "saw the
savagery of 9/11 and the attacks and prepared for war.
Like Dick Cheney, he avoided the Vietnam draft with a college
deferment, but gave up his education to work on Republican campaigns,
and never got a degree. He launched his political career by wresting
control of the College Republicans, a radical group in the Nixon
era. It was an unpleasant business. In an interesting precursor
to the Florida battle 17 years later, Rove took on his opponent,
Robert Edgeworth, principally on procedural grounds - challenging
the credentials of every single Edgeworth delegate to the 1973
College Republican convention and putting forward a rival delegate.
tactics won the 22-year-old Rove a walk-on role in the Watergate
saga that was consuming the nation. A report was published in
the Washington Post on August 10, 1973, titled "[Republican
party] Probes Official as Teacher of Tricks", gave an account,
based on tape recordings, of how Rove and a colleague had been
touring the country giving young Republicans political combat
training, in which they recalled their feats of derring-do, such
as Rove's Chicago heist at the Dixon headquarters.
KARL ROVE WAS NIXON ERA DIRTY TRICKS
R. SIMPSON, WALL STREET JOURNAL - When the small company that helped make
George W. Bush a multimillionaire verged on bankruptcy in 1990,
newly unearthed documents show an unlikely financial archangel
came to the rescue: Harvard University. It long has been known
that the school's endowment arm, Harvard Management Co., was
a major investor in Harken Energy Corp. But the documents reveal
two heretofore little-noticed deals, both endorsed by Mr. Bush,
to allow the Texas firm to stave off creditors. One, critical
to the company's survival, involved a partnership used to move
troubled assets and large debts off the company's balance sheet
-- much like the controversial investments that Enron Corp. set
up before it filed for bankruptcy-court protection. At the time,
one of the Harvard endowment's most influential board members
was a political supporter of then-President George H.W. Bush,
the current president's father. One result of the deal: The current
president avoided damaging his credibility as a businessman.
TIMOTHY J. BURGER, NEW YORK DAILY NEWS - Harken Energy Corp.
set up an offshore subsidiary in the Cayman Islands tax haven
while President Bush sat on Harken's board of directors in 1989,
the Daily News has learned. The revelation comes as Republican
lawmakers are roundly criticizing the practice of U.S. companies
setting up offshore subsidiaries, usually to skirt American disclosure
laws or corporate income taxes on foreign income. Even White
House spokesman Ari Fleischer condemned the tactic yesterday,
saying, "The President is concerned about corporations in
America who take advantage, set up operations outside of America,
in an effort to lower their taxes." A spokesman for Bush
said the offshore company did not save any taxes because it failed
to find oil or make a profit. Harken registered Harken Bahrain
Oil Co. on Sept. 1, 1989, according to Cayman Islands government
far from the only one to use the Cayman Island scam. At the time,
Grand Cayman had a population of 18,000, 570 commercial banks,
one bank regulator and a bank secrecy law. Among the investors,
according to one account, was an electronic transfer of $50 million
from the Arkansas Development Financial Authority, a political
piggy bank established by then governor Bill Clinton.]
ADAM ENTOUS, REUTERS - President Bush played
an active role in Harken Energy Corp's business decisions and
consulted with the head of the company shortly before a controversial
1989 transaction which drew scrutiny from the Securities and
Exchange Commission documents show. The information raised fresh
questions about the extent of Bush's role as a director at Harken
more than a decade ago. Democrats have seized on the Harken transactions
and Vice President Dick Cheney's tenure at Halliburton Co. to
paint the Republican administration as compromised by insider
deals and close business connections . . .
BETH HEALY AND MICHAEL KRANISH, BOSTON
- Even as Bush was dumping the bulk of his Harken holdings -
about $848,000 in stock sold to a buyer whose name has never
been disclosed - Harvard Management plowed millions more into
the firm. Several former Harvard Management officials said in
interviews that they wanted to pull out of the Harken deal, but
they said one man in particular - Harvard Management executive
and Harken director Michael Eisenson - resolutely insisted he
could turn around the investment by pumping more money into it.
Interviews and reviews of documents by the Globe showed that
Harvard's stake in Harken-related investments was, in the end,
nearly two-thirds larger than the university has ever previously
acknowledged, about $50 million.
TOM FLOCCO, AMERICAN FREE PRESS - Newly uncovered evidence
now reveals, via examination of the pattern of daily trades for
Harken during 1990, that George W. Bush sold more than 2,000%
times the average 1990 daily share volume on June 22, yet the
share price never budged -- indicating that the insider stock
sale was pre-arranged or pre-negotiated . . .
One of the questions
to which the SEC was strangely unable to obtain an answer was
who bought George W. Bush's stock at the zenith of its value
immediately preceding the Gulf War. One person did look into
it. According to "The Buying of the President 2000,"
a book by the highly respected Charles Lewis, Director of the
Center for Public Integrity, Harken officials were lining up
a major new financial backer: Harvard Management -- the overseer
of the school's multi-billion dollar endowment. "A month
after Bush came on board, Harvard management agreed to invest
at least $20 million in Harken. It would come to own some ten
million shares of Harken stock, making it one of the company's
largest investors. The Bush name may have helped seal the deal,"
CARL LIMBACHER, NEWSMAX- In the two weeks since
President Bush's 1990 sale of Harken Energy stock became the
focus of a media maelstrom, the prestige press has given the
so-called scandal 50 times the coverage it gave to the Clintons'
Whitewater land deal during a comparable period. In the 14 days
after the New York Times broke the Whitewater story on March
8, 1992, the entire mainstream press corps gave the scandal just
14 mentions, a Lexis-Nexis search reveals . . . From June 28
to July 12, 2002, the media has devoted no fewer than 711 reports
to the Bush stock sale, more than 50 times the coverage it gave
Whitewater at a similar point in that story.
JOE CONASON, SALON - Lewis believes "the available
evidence" shows that the mystery institutional buyer of
Bush's 212,000 Harken shares in June 1990 was Harvard. The university
increased its Harken holdings around that same time, according
to him. And although the broker involved, Ralph Smith of Sutro
& Company, has steadfastly refused to name the buyer, Lewis
reports that "at the bottom of a spreadsheet Smith used
to record his calls to Bush was the name of Michael Eisenson,
along with the telephone number of Harvard Management."
In 2000 when Lewis was working on his book, Eisenson didn't return
CENTER FOR PUBLIC INTEGRITY has posted a second
round of the documents obtained from the Securities and Exchange
Commission under the Freedom of Information Act. Among the items:
April 20, 1990
Letter From Mikel D. Faulkner, President of Harken Energy, to
the board of directors. The letter notes that new conditions
on a loan Harken sought "greatly intensifies our current
liquidity problem and mandates the infusion of equity into the
May 18, 1990
Letter From Bruce N. Huff, senior vice president of Harken Energy,
to the members of the company's "special committee,"
which included George W. Bush. The letter notes, " . . .
Waivers and extensions will allow the Company to properly report
the substantial portion of its debt facilities as long-term and
thereby avoid any negative repercussions that might otherwise
occur if the Company remains in a state of non-compliance with
regard to loan covenants."
January 9, 1991
Letter From Bruce N. Huff, senior vice president of Harken Energy,
to Edmund Coulson, chief accountant of the SEC which notes, "By
June, 1990, the Company was constrained by its worsening cash
and credit situation."
BETH HEALY AND MICHAEL KRANISH, BOSTON
- Even as Bush was dumping the bulk of his Harken holdings -
about $848,000 in stock sold to a buyer whose name has never
been disclosed - Harvard Management plowed millions more into
the firm. Several former Harvard Management officials said in
interviews that they wanted to pull out of the Harken deal, but
they said one man in particular - Harvard Management executive
and Harken director Michael Eisenson - resolutely insisted he
could turn around the investment by pumping more money into it.
Interviews and reviews of documents by the Globe showed that
Harvard's stake in Harken-related investments was, in the end,
nearly two-thirds larger than the university has ever previously
acknowledged, about $50 million. The Texas-based energy company
was, in 1990, the seventh-largest stock holding in Harvard's
portfolio, bigger even than the university's stake in Exxon Corp.
In all, Harvard Management risked 1 percent of the university's
endowment in the small, struggling company, a surprisingly large
bet by any measure, but particularly given Harken's dismal prospects.
. . The Globe review also found no evidence to support the contention
by some critics of Harvard Management and some adversaries of
Bush that its deep involvement in Harken was a political favor
to the Bush family.
AND BETH HEALY, BOSTON GLOBE - One week before George W. Bush's now-famous
sale of stock in Harken Energy Corp. in 1990, Harken was warned
by its lawyers that Bush and other members of the troubled oil
company's board faced possible insider trading risks if they
unloaded their shares. The warning from Harken's lawyers came
in a legal memorandum whose existence has been little noted until
now, despite the many years of scrutiny of the Bush transaction.
. . The memo, a copy of which was obtained by the Globe, does
not say directly whether Bush would face legal problems if he
sold his stock. But it does lay out the potential for insider-trading
violations by Bush and other members of the Harken board, and
its existence raises questions about how thoroughly the SEC investigated
Bush's unloading of $848,000 of his Harken stake to a buyer whose
name has not been made public. The SEC cleared Bush after looking
into whether he had insider knowledge of an upcoming quarterly
loss at Harken.
MIKE ALLEN, WASHINGTON POST - An internal Securities
and Exchange Commission memo from 1991 says President Bush repeatedly
failed to file timely reports of his business interests and transactions
before his election as Texas governor. The memo said that when
Bush was a director of a Texas-based oil and gas exploration
firm called Harken Energy Corp., he had filed reports up to eight
months late for four stock transactions totaling $1 million .
. . The memo said Bush sold 212,140 shares of Harken stock on
June 22, 1990, for $848,560, before Harken's announcement on
Aug. 20, 1990, that it had lost $23.2 million in the quarter
ending June 30. The SEC said the announcement caused Harken's
stock to drop by more than 20 percent, and called Bush's stock
sale a "matter under inquiry." At the time, Bush was
a member of Harken's audit committee. The stock sale was reported
by Bush on March 4, 1991, about 34 weeks late, the memo said. SEC
CHENEY LIKENS GITMO GULAG TO TROPICAL
GUARDIAN - The American vice-president, Dick Cheney, provoked
fresh uproar over Guantanamo Bay yesterday after he claimed that
prisoners held by the U.S. there were "living in the tropics"
and had been given everything they could possibly want. His comments,
the latest attempt by leading Republicans to portray the prison
at the U.S. base in Cuba as something of a holiday camp, came
as evidence emerged that military doctors have helped interrogators
by advising them how to increase stress levels and exploit the
fears of the detainees.. . .
In an interview
with CNN, Mr Cheney insisted: "They got a brand new facility
down at Guantanamo. We spent a lot of money to build it. They're
very well treated there. They're living in the tropics. They're
well fed. They've got everything they could possibility want."
He added: "There isn't any other nation in the world that
would treat people who were determined to kill Americans the
way we're treating these people."
A spokesman for
Amnesty International said his comments "missed the point"
completely. "It is not a matter of climate or what food
prisoners get, but a question of justice," the spokesman
CHENEY'S FIRM PAID OFF NIGERIANS
UK - A lawyer, based in offices in a run-down part of north London,
worked with three British executives from the US construction
group Halliburton to pay at least $132m in "unjustified"
fees to contacts in Nigeria. These payments, many of which occurred
when Halliburton was being run by Dick Cheney, now the American
Vice-President, helped a consortium including the US group to
win a $12bn contract to build a gas terminal at Bonny Island
In court documents
submitted to a French corruption investigation, Halliburton has
admitted it paid $132m to Jeffrey Tesler, a UK lawyer. Mr Tesler's
firm, Kaye Tesler, is based on a run down high street in Tottenham,
north London. Mr Tesler would not return calls but his French
solicitor admits Mr Tesler received the money, which he said
was for advisory and other legitimate fees.
CHENEY CHIEF OF STAFF INVOLVED IN GETTING
HALLIBURTON SET UP IN IRAQ
LA TIMES - Pentagon
officials have acknowledged that Vice President Dick Cheney's
chief of staff and other Bush administration political appointees
were involved in a controversial decision to pay Halliburton
Inc. to plan for the postwar recovery of Iraq's oil sector, a
Democratic lawmaker said yesterday. The decision, overruling
the recommendations of an Army lawyer, eventually resulted in
the award of a $7 billion no-bid contract to Halliburton, which
Cheney ran for five years before he was nominated for vice president.
Rep. Henry A.
Waxman, D-Calif., who was briefed by Pentagon officials last
week, issued a letter to the vice president yesterday demanding
full disclosure of the top-secret process that led to awarding
the contract to the Houston-based oil services company. . .
has denied that he had any influence over the decision to award
the massive contract last March. "As vice president, I have
absolutely no influence of, involvement of, knowledge of in any
way, shape or form of contracts let by the Corps of Engineers
or anybody else in the federal government," he said on NBC's
"Meet The Press" last fall. Cheney's staff stood by
that statement yesterday.
HALLIBURTON UNDER INVESTIGATION FOR NIGERIAN
NEW ISSUE OF THE DAY
- Monday's hunting trip to Pennsylvania by Vice President Dick
Cheney in which he reportedly shot more than 70 stocked pheasants
and an unknown number of mallard ducks at an exclusive private
club places a spotlight on an increasingly popular and deplorable
form of hunting, in which birds are pen-reared and released to
be shot in large numbers by patrons. The ethics of these hunts
are called into question by rank-and-file sportsmen, who hunt
animals in their native habitat and do not shoot confined or
pen-raised animals that cannot escape.
Post-Gazette reported today that 500 farm-raised pheasants were
released yesterday morning at the Rolling Rock Club in Ligonier
Township for the benefit of Cheney's 10-person hunting party.
The group killed at least 417 of the birds, illustrating the
unsporting nature of canned hunts. The party also shot an unknown
number of captive mallards in the afternoon.
FIRM GETS $1 BILLION NONCOMPETITIVE CONTRACT IN IRAQ
OBSERVER - Halliburton, the engineering group formerly run by
US vice-president Dick Cheney, has been given $1 billion worth
of reconstruction work in Iraq by the US government without having
to compete for it, thanks to repeated delays in opening up a
key contract to competition. The Houston-based company was controversially
awarded a contract to repair Iraq's damaged oil infrastructure
without competition in February. The cost-plus contract means
the amount spent by the US Army Corps of Engineers, which is
running the work, is open-ended, rather than being fixed at the
outset, because the scope of the damage was unknown. The USACE
described the contract as a 'bridge to competition', but original
plans to award the work competitively in August have repeatedly
slipped. So far, $1.7bn has been made available to Halliburton
for the work. 12/03
NEWSMAX - The
neighbors all around the vice president's residence on the grounds
of the U.S. Naval Observatory in Washington have been up in arms
about underground dynamiting. Explosions have rocked the neighbors'
homes, reports say. The mystery of the explosions, Vanity Fair
suggests, is a nuclear proof bunker being built for the vice
president and his family.
More goings on
at the Cheney residence. A Washington insider close to the FBI
tells Newsmax that Cheney has a fully equipped hospital emergency
room in his home, just in case of a medical emergency. While
Cheney has been in good health since his last heart attack, suffered
just after the 2000 election, he's leaving nothing to chance.
There will be no need for paramedics and screaming ambulance
sirens if Cheney gets chest pains again. Instead, he can go right
into the hospital room. "They can even operate there,"
a source claimed. The source says they had not seen the room
but spoke to people who have.
LIE OF THE DAY
PR WATCH - "In
'Meet the Press' last Sunday, Vice President Dick Cheney said,
'Since I left Halliburton to become George Bush's vice president,
I've severed all my ties with the company, gotten rid of all
my financial interests. I have no financial interest in Halliburton
of any kind and haven't had now, for over three years.' That
is the latest White House lie,'" the Boston Globe's Derrick
Jackson writes. On Tuesday, Senator Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) drew
attention to Cheney's US Office of Government Ethics public financial
disclosure sheets. According to the filings, Cheney received
$162,392 in deferred salary in 2002 from Halliburton, the oil
and military contracting company he ran before running for vice
president. In 2001, Cheney received $205,298. He also is still
holding 433,333 stock options. "Five years ago, America
was in a tizzy over President Clinton's 'That depends on what
the meaning of is, is.' That was over lying about sex. For that,
Clinton was impeached. Now, we have a vice president who tells
America he has severed his ties even as his umbilical cord doubles
his salary. . . . Halliburton has already amassed $2 billion
in no-bid, no-ceiling contracts in Iraq.
ANNE E. KORNBLUT, BOSTON GLOBE - As President Bush
launched a campaign to confront the recent epidemic of accounting
scandals and answered embarrassing questions about his own corporate
past, another corporate veteran in his administration, Vice President
Dick Cheney, remained silent. Cheney had good reason to avoid
the limelight, in the opinion of several Republican officials
and securities specialists. His former firm, the Halliburton
Co., is the subject of an ongoing Securities and Exchange Commission
probe, and it has been hit with nearly a dozen lawsuits by former
shareholders for its accounting practices while Cheney was chief
executive of the energy services firm. Another lawsuit filed
in Dallas by a private watchdog group names Cheney as a defendant,
an action that could lead to the vice president being deposed
by private lawyers numerous times . . . White House officials
appear far more concerned about Halliburton than Harken Energy
Corp., the Texas firm whose stock Bush sold in 1990, less than
two months before the company reported a large and unexpected
loss . . . One administration described Halliburton as a potential
time bomb. Compared with the controversies surrounding Bush,
Cheney fares much worse "for being closer to the situation
and for the situation being closer to us in time," said
Michael L. Andresino, a securities lawyer at Posternak, Blankstein
& Lund in Boston.
- Cheney's 2000
income from Halliburton: $36,086,635
- Increase in
government contracts while Cheney led Halliburton: 91%
- Minimum size
of "accounting irregularity" that occurred while Cheney
was CEO: $100,000,000
- Number of the
seven official US "State Sponsors of Terror" that Halliburton
contracted with: 2 out of 7
- Pages of energy
plan documents Cheney refused to give congressional investigators:
- Amount energy
companies gave the Bush/Cheney presidential campaign: $1,800,000
||| MARTIN A.
LEE SAN FRANCISCO BAY GUARDIAN November 13, 2000 - During former
defense secretary Richard Cheney's five-year tenure as chief
executive of Halliburton, Inc., his oil services firm raked in
big bucks from dubious commercial dealings with Iraq. Cheney
left Halliburton with a $34 million retirement package last July
when he became the GOP's vice-presidential candidate. Of course,
U.S. firms aren't generally supposed to do business with Saddam
Hussein. But thanks to legal loopholes large enough to steer
an oil tanker through, Halliburton profited big-time from deals
with the Iraqi dictatorship. Conducted discreetly through several
Halliburton subsidiaries in Europe, these greasy transactions
helped Saddam Hussein retain his grip on power while lining the
pockets of Cheney and company. According to the Financial Times
of London, between September 1988 and last winter, Cheney, as
CEO of Halliburton, oversaw $23.8 million of business contracts
for the sale of oil-industry equipment and services to Iraq through
two of its subsidiaries, Dresser Rand and Ingersoll-Dresser Pump,
which helped rebuild Iraq's war-damaged petroleum-production
infrastructure. The combined value of these contracts exceeded
those of any other U.S. company doing business with Baghdad.
. . With Cheney at the helm since 1995, Halliburton quickly grew
into America's number-one oil-services company, the fifth-largest
military contractor, and the biggest nonunion employer in the
nation. Although Cheney claimed that the U.S. government "had
absolutely nothing to do" with his firm's meteoric financial
success, State Department documents obtained by the Los Angeles
Times indicate that U.S. officials helped Halliburton secure
major contracts in Asia and Africa. Halliburton now does business
in 130 countries and employs more than 100,000 workers worldwide.
||| ROBERT MOORE,
CENTER FOR PUBLIC INTEGRITY - When a generous patron of President
Bush and the Republican Party sought political backing for his
company's multi-billion dollar Alaskan pipeline project, he turned
to Vice President Dick Cheney, head of the administration's energy
policy task force, known formally as the National Energy Policy
Development Group. Forrest Hoglund, Chairman and CEO of Arctic
Resources Co., was one of an undisclosed number of executives
from private energy companies that advised Cheney and members
of his task force last year. Hoglund has also been a generous
contributor to Republican causes; he has given more than $200,000
since 1997. The Bush administration has refused to disclose the
names of the outside advisers to its energy policy task force.
In a meeting with Cheney last year, Hoglund told the Center for
Public Integrity, he asked Cheney to support Arctic Resources'
Alaskan pipeline project. The task force, in its final recommendations
to President Bush, did not include the specific pipeline route
from Alaska that Arctic Resources sought. But it did endorse
expediting the necessary permits to build a pipeline along an
unspecified route from Alaska to the lower 48 states. MORE
and Joe Lieberman are two of the most curious choices for vice
president of recent times. While commentators have come up with
a number of contorted explanations, the most obvious one is being
ignored: Cheney and Lieberman's real constituency is not a collection
of voters but the defense industry, which they can be expected
to serve as faithfully as they have in the past. Lieberman comes
from the land of the Sikorsky helicopters and told Connecticut
voters as recently as last October that "In my view, one
layoff is one too many because each and every worker represents
the very heart and soul of our national defense."
Selecting a couple
of reliable Pentagon pimps is important at this time for reasons
not widely reported: there is strong bipartisan support for a
planned massive increase in defense spending. The build-up would
raise the size of the Pentagon budget relative to GDP by about
This is not a
secret plan. For example, Defense Daily reported on August 16
that the Marine Commandant, General James Jones, was talking
about going from "about 2.9 percent through a gradual ramp-up
to about 4 and 4.5 percent of the US Gross Domestic Product.
And the Washington Post said: "The nation's military leaders
say they will loyally obey the president's marching orders until
the moment he leaves office in January. But when it comes to
money matters, they already are targeting the next administration."
Just in the short
term, the increases sought are "equal to almost the entire
budget for the Education Department." Said a civilian Pentagon
official, "the service requests have been unrestrained."
Writes the Post:
going for the big money,' said an officer on the staff of the
Joint Chiefs, adding that his bosses are 'a little bit like kids
in the candy store.'"
especially likes Bush but won't be disappointed with Gore who
told the Veterans of Foreign Wars a few years ago:
"It is the
Republican Congress themselves that would cut defense at the
turn of the century to try to make their numbers fit together.
Again, look beyond the rhetoric and look at the facts. Let me
repeat. It is the Republican defense budget, not President Clinton's,
that drops in the next century. President Clinton's budget, which
is also there for your to see, does not. It increases."
* * *
the guidance of Richard Cheney, a get-the-government-out-of-my-face
conservative, Halliburton Company over the past five years has
emerged as a corporate welfare hog, benefiting from at least
$3.8 billion in federal contracts and taxpayer-insured loans.
One of these loans was approved in April by the US Export-Import
Bank. It guaranteed $489 million in credits to a Russian oil
company whose roots are imbedded in a legacy of KGB and Communist
Party corruption, as well as drug trafficking and organized crime
funds, according to Russian and US sources and documents. Those
claims are hotly disputed by the Russian oil firm's holding company
. . . If Halliburton has benefited from government generosity,
it also has reciprocated with substantial political contributions,
largely to Republicans. During Cheney's five years at the helm,
the company has donated $1,212,000 in soft and hard money to
candidates and parties, according to numbers compiled by the
non-partisan Center for Responsive Politics. In the five years
prior to his arrival, the company had given $534,750.
THE DALLAS MORNING
NEWS reports that GOP vice presidential candidate Dick Cheney
failed to vote in 14 of 16 elections since moving to Texas in
1995. Cheney's Democratic rival for the vice presidency, Sen.
Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, has a five-for-six rate of election
participation over the same period according to the paper.
1987 was a big
year in the Reagan administration. The Iran-Contra chickens were
coming home to roost. The previous December, CIA director William
Casey had developed a brain tumor and lost his ability to speak.
In February 1987 he resigned and died soon afterwards. That same
month, former National Security Director Robert McFarlane tried
to commit suicide. Also in February, the Tower Commission laid
the blame on White House chief of staff Donald Regan for the
"chaos that descended upon the White House" in the
Iran-Contra affair. The commission praised Bush for his "vigorous
reaffirmation of US opposition to terrorism in all forms"
Regan was forced to resign.In November a joint congressional
investigation of Iran Contra issued a bland report that cleared
Vice President Bush. Key to the exculpation was senior House
Republican member Richard Cheney. When he became president Bush
appointed Tower as Defense Secretary and fellow Tower Commission
member Brent Scowcroft as national security adviser. The Senate
refused to confirm Tower and Bush named the loyal Cheney in his
record was slightly more conservative than mine -- Newt Gingrich.
In 10 years in the House, [Dick Cheney]... chocked up a conservative
voting record that rivaled Senator Jesse Helms's. -- Business
WASHINGTON TIMES: As secretary of defense, Richard B. Cheney
entertained major Republican contributors at private meetings
at the Pentagon, the Associated Press reports, citing documents
gathered by congressional fund-raising investigators. Mr. Cheney
was host for at least two GOP donor gatherings inside the Defense
Department in 1991 and in 1992, the records show. "If he's
having an open house for contributors at the Pentagon, it does
bring back reminiscences of the Lincoln Bedroom," said Larry
Makinson, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics
. . . On Aug. 19, 1992, members of the Presidential Roundtable
(minimum donation $5,000) attended a briefing with Mr. Cheney
. . . A Republican National Committee brochure that touted the
benefits of joining the Presidential Roundtable included a picture
of Mr. Cheney briefing members at the Pentagon.
SAM SMITH, "WHOSE
WAR IS IT?," TPR 1992: George Bush's behavior in [the Iraq]
affair is bizarre even by presidential standards, let alone constitutional
ones. He has barely consulted the joint chiefs of staff while
making a commitment of American troops close to that in Vietnam.
When Defense Secretary Cheney made a televised announcement that
the US might be sending more troops to Saudi Arabia, Gen. Colin
Powell learned of it while on his way back from the Middle East.
And the president has clearly not consulted Congress. The question
inevitably arises: whose war is this going to be? Sununu's? Cheney's?
Millie's? Some of the speculation has bordered on the grotesque.
The emir of conventional journalism, David Broder, wrote on November
18: "It is almost impossible to imagine a more serious,
calm, cautious, rational and prudent set of people than those
the president has assembled." The New York Times's R. W.
Apple Jr., who got off to a bad start in August characterizing
Bush as "tough" and "statesmanlike," had
recovered enough by December to write: "Right from the start,
foreign policy professionals have complained that Mr. Bush, something
of a foreign policy professional himself, has drawn the circle
too tight, limiting discussions of really important positions
to himself, Secretary of State James A. Baker 3rd, Defense Secretary
Dick Cheney and Brent Scowcroft, his national security advisor."
One foreign editor on the case described the vision of the White
House as being as though looking through a "rifle sight."
There is no apparent consideration of long-term effects, cultural
factors, the links with other regional issues or history. I suspect
that for George Bush, invading Iraq would not really be a war
at all, but as with Noriega, more of a personal match -- tennis
by other means. An old preppie treating the whole world as his
1992: Extra! reports that People magazine's Dirk Mathison made
three surreptitious visits [to Bohemian Grove] last July, aided
by members of the Bohemian Grove Action Network. Among the activities
he witnessed was a speech by former Navy Secretary John Lehman,
who said the Pentagon estimated that 200,000 Iraqis were killed
in the recent war. Other policy addresses were by Richard Cheney,
Joseph Califano, and Elliott Richardson. Mathesin, however, was
recognized by an official of Time Warner (People's owner), who
made him leave. Mathesin had plenty of material and turned in
a story, but after an initially enthusiastic response, the piece
was killed, just as early stories on the Grove for NPR and Time
had been scotched.
INSIDE THE CARLYLE GROUP
CTR FOR PUBLIC
INTEGRITY - The Carlyle Group, a Washington, D.C.-based private
equity firm that employs numerous former high-ranking government
officials with ties to both political parties, was the ninth
largest Pentagon contractor between 1998 and 2003. A dozen companies
in which Carlyle had a controlling interest netted more than
$9.3 billion in contracts.
From its founding
in 1987, the Carlyle Group has pioneered investing in the defense
and national security markets, and through its takeover of companies
with billions of dollars in defense contracts became one of the
U.S. military's top vendors, ranking among better known defense
firms like Lockheed Martin, Boeing Co., Raytheon Co., Northrop
Grumman and General Dynamics.
firms, however, the Carlyle Group itself is not a manufacturer.
It offers no services directly to the Pentagon, and has no defense
contracts. Rather, it manages investments-some $18.4 billion
from 600 individuals and entities in 55 countries, according
to its Web site. The firm's business is making money for these
investors, the vast majority of whose identities are not disclosed
to the Securities and Exchange Commission or other government
itself has won no contracts, the companies it has owned or controlled
have done billions of dollars worth of business with the Pentagon.
firms did not have any significant presence in the defense industry
until the end of the Cold War. Traditionally, the Defense Department
depended on mega contractors such as Boeing Corp., Lockheed Martin
and Raytheon for weapons and services. But since the 1990s, the
military has increasingly outsourced to private contractors a
variety of jobs and services, ranging from planning of operations
to the supply of linguistic services.
is the biggest single success in Washington of a venture capital
firm," Dr. Loren B. Thompson Jr., a national security expert
at the libertarian Lexington Institute, said. In 1997, for example,
the group made a 650-percent profit when it sold BDM International
Inc., a McLean, Va., defense contractor. And in December 2001,
Carlyle sold off the majority of its holdings in United Defense
Inc. Altogether, Carlyle earned $1 billion in profit from the
United Defense investment.
It was under
the leadership of former Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci-first
as a managing director, from 1989 to 1993, and as chairman from
1993 to 2003-that Carlyle grew from a small private equity to
a global investment giant, and became a major player among defense
contractors. Other former government officials who have recent
or current ties to the firm include former British Prime Minister
John Major and former Philippines President Fidel Ramos; former
Office of Management and Budget director Richard Darman; former
Clinton chief of staff Thomas F. "Mack" McLarty; former
Securities and Exchange Commission chairman Arthur Levitt and
former Federal Communications Commission chairman William E.
Kennard. Former Secretary of State James Baker works for the
firm, as did his former boss, President George H.W. Bush, who
was an adviser for the firm's Asian investment funds until he
left Carlyle in 2003.
would never have gotten to the level that it is at today had
it not been for this premeditated commingling of business and
politics," said Dan Briody, author of The Iron Triangle:
Inside the Secret World of the Carlyle Group, a book that takes
a critical look at the rise of the firm. One of Carlyle's most
controversial hirings was of former president Bush to serve as
a senior adviser for its "Asia advisory board."
that George H.W. Bush was working for them while his son was
president, while his son, in fact, was dramatically increasing
defense spending-that seems to me one of the most blatant conflicts
of interests in history," Briody said.
THE IRON TRIANGLE
INSIDE THE SECRET WORLD OF THE CARLYLE GROUP
By Dan Briody
ECONOMIST - On
the day Osama bin Laden's men attacked America, Shafiq bin Laden,
described as an estranged brother of the terrorist, was at an
investment conference in Washington, DC, along with two people
who are close to President George Bush: his father, the first
President Bush, and James Baker, the former secretary of state
who masterminded the legal campaign that secured Dubya's move
to the White House. The conference was hosted by the Carlyle
Group, a private equity firm that manages billions of dollars,
including, at the time, some bin Laden family wealth. It also
employs Messrs Bush and Baker. In the immediate aftermath of
the attacks, when no one was being allowed in or out of the United
States, many members of the bin Laden family in America were
spirited home to Saudi Arabia. The revival of defense spending
that followed greatly increased the value of the Carlyle Group's
investments in defense companies. . .
BUSH GOT BOUNCED FROM CARLYLE BOARD
co-founder and Managing Director of The Carlyle Group, the "world's
largest private equity firm," recently recounted his first
meeting the current president and Bush's days on the Carlyle
board in a speech to the Los Angeles County Employees Retirement
Association. LACERA has invested $95 million in Carlyle, now
the 11th largest defense contractor in America as majority shareholder
in United Defense. For ethical reasons, many in the association
would like to see LACERA funds pulled and invested elsewhere.
In the speech
Rubenstein also touched on company ethics - under intense scrutiny
since 9/11 - including widely reported stories about Carlyle
operating as a shadow government. He assured investors that "making
money is nice" but Carlyle is "first and foremost"
concerned with ethics.]
- We have an enormous amount of our own personal capital - about
90% of our net worth is tied up in these funds. My partners and
I and all the other professionals have committed $700 million
to our various funds throughout the world so we've got a lot
of money committed to this and it's important to get it back.
But it's more important that we not do anything that impairs
the reputation of ourselves or our investors. So making money
is nice but we're more worried about our reputation and concerned
with ethics and that's first and foremost.
[He had this
to say about George W. Bush]
Let me talk about
a bad deal. At the beginning of Carlyle - early - we didn't have
any funds. We didn't have any dedicated funds. And we had a deal
that seemed like it would be the greatest deal since sliced bread.
It was handed to us. Marriott said to us, look, we're going to
sell our airline catering business [Caterair].It's number one
in the world. Management team has been there for 10 years. We
dominate all the markets and we're not going to do an auction.
We're going to sell it to you guys 'cause some of our people
[Carlyle co-founders Steve Norris and Dan D'Aniello and Bush
crony Fred Malek] used to work at Marriott. You know, what could
So the financing
was there. And we thought, this is an easy business. So they're
going to give us a company. Number one in the world. Gold plated.
Got all the equipment you need. Good management team.
Well, then the
Gulf War came. And all of a sudden people stopped flying. And
then those who were flying realized that they weren't going to
be getting the food that they thought they were going to get.
. . . So no matter how good you think a company can be something
can go wrong. We couldn't anticipate the Gulf War. So the airline
catering business has gone this way.
I mention this
because it reminds us all the time we shouldn't have hubris.
You know no matter how smart we think we are or how good we are,
something can go wrong. And if something seems too good in life
to be true, it usually is. In this case, the only interesting
thing about the deal--and we lost all our money in it. Our money
and our investors' money in it. In that deal.
But when we were
putting the board together, somebody [Fred Malek] came to me
and said, look there is a guy who would like to be on the board.
He's kind of down on his luck a bit. Needs a job. Needs a board
position. Needs some board positions. Could you put him on the
board? Pay him a salary and he'll be a good board member and
be a loyal vote for the management and so forth.
I said well we're
not usually in that business. But okay, let me meet the guy.
I met the guy. I said I don't think he adds that much value.
We'll put him on the board because - you know - we'll do a favor
for this guy; he's done a favor for us.
We put him on
the board and [he] spent three years. Came to all the meetings.
Told a lot of jokes. Not that many clean ones. And after a while
I kind of said to him, after about three years - you know, I'm
not sure this is really for you. Maybe you should do something
else. Because I don't think you're adding that much value to
the board. You don't know that much about the company.
He said, well
I think I'm getting out of this business anyway. And I don't
really like it that much. So I'm probably going to resign from
And I said, thanks
- didn't think I'd ever see him again. His name is George W.
Bush. He became President of the United States. So you know if
you said to me, name 25 million people who would maybe be President
of the United States, he wouldn't have been in that category.
So you never know. Anyway, I haven't been invited to the White
House for any things.
reports have appeared in the Financial Times, Economist, Forbes,
Newsday, Philadelphia Inquirer, and on PBS, CBC and MBC. She
has been a guest on McLaughlin, Charlie Rose, and Fox television
VICTOR THORN, BABEL MAGAZINE - A few weeks ago, James
Baker publicly offered advice to the Bush Administration on how
they should proceed with their war on Iraq. What he and every
newscaster or commentator failed to mention was that Baker is
now employed by the highly-influential Carlyle Group, which is
the eleventh largest defense contractor in the United States.
. . If you're not familiar with them, the Carlyle Group has become
a powerhouse in affecting the direction in which our foreign
policy takes, especially in regard to war. They accomplish this
by hiring former government officials, then investing in private
companies that are subject to government change (i.e. the military
and telecommunications). Who, you may ask, do they employ to
secure their government contracts? Well, check-out this list
- - Frank Carlucci
- Department of Health, Education and Welfare - 1970's Deputy
Director, CIA - 1978-81 Deputy Secretary of Defense - 1981-82
National Security Director - 1987-89
- - George Bush
- CIA Director - 1976-77 Vice President of the United States
- 1981-89 President of the United States - 1989-93
- - James Baker
- Chief of Staff - 1981-85 Secretary of the Treasury - 1985-89
Secretary of State - 1989-93
- - Dick Darman
- Former White House Budget Chief William Kennard - Former Head,
- - Arthur Levitt
- Former Head, SEC
- - John Major
- Former Prime Minister, Britain
- - Fidel Ramos
- Former Philippine President
- - Afsaneh Beschloss
- Treasurer & Chief Investment Officer of the World Bank
- - Anand Panyarachum
- Former President, Thailand Karl
- - Otto Pohl
- Former President, Bundesbank Louis Vuitton - French Aerobus
- - Park Tae Joon
- Former South Korean Prime Minister
- - Alwaleed Sin
Talal bin Abdulaziz Alsaud - Saudi Arabian Prince
- - George Soros
- New World Order/Bilderberg luminary & int'l financier
- - Fred Malek
- George Bush Sr's campaign manager. . .
employs the former chairman of BMW and Nestle, is interviewing
former Clinton cabinet members (to insure that they have both
sides of the aisle covered), plus once hired Colin Powell and
AOL Time-Warner Chairman Steve Case to speak at a meeting at
Washington D.C.'s Monarch House. . . The Washington Business
Journal simply says, "The Carlyle Group seems to play be
a different set of rules."
||| JASON NISSÉ,
INDEPENDENT, LONDON President George W Bush's administration,
already on the back foot over its connections with the collapsed
energy giant Enron, faces questions over a massive defense contract
which aided an investment firm with Bush family links. Last September,
the Army signed a $665 million contract to develop the Crusader
Advanced Field Artillery System, a $12 billion weapons programmed
being built by United Defense Industries. Last week, Mr Bush
signed a defense appropriation bill which included $487 million
for the programmed. This has helped Carlyle Group, the well-connected
Washington-based investment group, which controls UDI, to float
the defense contractor on the New York stock exchange . . . Its
chairman is Frank Carlucci, who was Defense Secretary in the
Reagan administration and is a close friend of Donald Rumsfeld,
the current Defense Secretary. The two were members of the same
wrestling team at Princeton University. The chairman of Carlyle
Europe is John Major, the former British Prime Minister. An adviser
to Carlyle in Asia is George Bush Snr, the former president and
father of the current president. And George W Bush himself was,
for five years, on the board of Caterair, a business Carlyle
backed. "It's the first time the President of the United
States' father is on the payroll of one of the largest US defense
contractors," said Charles Lewis, a director of the Center
for Public Policy . . . Carlyle denies that any of its managers,
directors or advisers used their influence to aid contracts for
*** MARK FINEMAN,
LA TIMES - Even by Washington standards, the Carlyle Group has
some serious clout. President George W. Bush's father works for
Carlyle; so does former Defense Secretary Frank C. Carlucci,
whose close friend Donald H. Rumsfeld now runs the Pentagon;
and so does a stellar cast of retired generals and Cabinet secretaries,
including former Secretary of State James A. Baker III. And even
by Wall Street standards, the Carlyle Group has some serious
money: $12.5 billion in investments at last count . . . On a
single day last month, Carlyle earned $237 million selling shares
in United Defense Industries, the Army's fifth-largest contractor.
The stock offering was well timed: Carlyle officials say they
decided to take the company public only after the Sept. 11 attacks.
The stock sale cashed in on increased congressional support for
hefty defense spending, including one of United Defense's cornerstone
weapon programs . . . By any standard, the Carlyle Group has
the right address. Its suite of offices are on Pennsylvania Avenue
midway between the White House and Congress - a 15-minute walk
to each . . . As its reputation grew, so did the group's star-studded
management roster. It added former Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman
Gen. John M. Shalikashvili; Arthur Levitt, the long-serving former
chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission; former British
Prime Minister John Major; former Secretary of State Baker; and
former President Bush MORE
*** DAILY TEXAN - The Carlyle Group is a global private investment
firm, anchored in Washington, D.C., with heavy stakes in military
contracting. What makes Carlyle significant is the powerhouse
payroll of the firm which includes former U.S. president George
Bush, former secretary of state and current G.W. Bush confidant
James Baker, former defense secretary Frank Carlucci, and former
British prime minister John Major. Those versed in process of
revolving door politics will realize that the Carlyle Group is
perhaps the world's pinnacle of cronyism and business opportunism
. . . The Carlyle Group can profit heavily from military action
in the Middle East. The Wall Street Journal recently raised issues
with former president Bush's involvement in the Carlyle Group
and Judicial Watch, no friend of liberals or Democrats, has called
for Bush's outright resignation from a group that could profit
from his son's economic and military decisions. George W.'s escalation
of the war will create more and more military contracts, boosting
stocks in Carlyle portfolios, profiting the elder Bush, and,
eventually, George W.
*** REUTERS - Defense companies are back after a five-year absence
from the market for new equity issues. And they could not have
picked a better time. The war in Afghanistan and the government
commitment to a long fight against terrorism at home and abroad
foreshadow increases both in defense budgets and, more importantly,
in the government spending in new equipment and technology, analysts
said . . . Demand for United Defense shares, which are expected
to sell at between $18 and $20 apiece, is strong, sources in
the investing community say . . . United Defense, which produces
combat vehicles, artillery and missile launchers, is well aware
of the opportunity to capitalize on such momentum. ``The terrorist
attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 have generated strong Congressional
support for increased defense spending,'' the company said in
its filing with U.S. regulators. Taking advantage of the favorable
climate for defense companies, the banks managing United Defense's
IPO have sped up the deal . . . Initially, the company said it
would raise up to $300 million. A month later, when it set the
price range for its shares, its expectations had increased to
$422 million . . . United Defense will sell 21.1 million shares,
but the company's main stockholder, private equity firm Carlyle
Group, will get more than half of the money raised.
MORE ON THE CARLYLE GROUP including a rare mention
of the involvement of George Soros
[JOHN J. DIIULIO
JR. AND STEPHEN GOLDSMITH, whom George Bush is placing in charge
of his cash-for-Christ program, are senior fellows of the conservative
Manhattan Institute and colleagues of Charles Murray, author
of the notorious "Bell Curve." As we have pointed out,
the problem with Bush's plan is not that religious organizations
would get public funds for public services, but that Bush is
crediting to these groups virtues that have far more to do with
their community base than with their "faith base."
By making an invidious distinction between religious and secular
community groups, Bush would be in clear violation of the Constitution
in a way that community-based programs coincidentally including
religious groups would not be.]
* NY TIMES: For
years, Mr. DiIulio, who taught at Princeton before the University
of Pennsylvania, was known more for his work on criminal justice
issues than on his interest in faith-based programs. He was among
the voices loudly advocating increased prison construction in
the early 1990's . . . Mr. Goldsmith, a former prosecutor, was
a two-term mayor in Indianapolis who privatized everything from
golf course construction to sewage treatment and showed an interest
in revitalizing long-neglected inner-city neighborhoods . . .
"There's a lot of respect for Stephen Goldsmith," said
Rabbi David Saperstein, director of the Religious Action Center
of Reform Judaism. "Many in the Jewish community know him
and respect him, but any time you have a formal government endorsement
of religion that this faith-based office conveys, that takes
us down a path that too often in our history has turned out to
be disastrous for religious freedom and religious tolerance."
* NORMAN SOLOMON:
The Manhattan Institute was founded in 1978 by William Casey,
who later became President Reagan's CIA director. Since then,
the Institute's track record with authors has been notable. Funneling
money from very conservative foundations, the Institute has sponsored
many books by writers opposed to safety-net social programs and
affirmative action. During the 1980s, the Institute's authors
included George Gilder (Wealth and Poverty), Linda Chavez (Out
of the Barrio) and Charles Murray (Losing Ground). Murray's Losing
Ground -- a denunciation of social programs for the poor -- catapulted
him to media stardom in 1984 . . . Along with ongoing subsidies
from a number of large conservative foundations, the Manhattan
Institute has gained funding from such corporate sources as the
Chase Manhattan Bank, Citicorp, Time Warner, Procter & Gamble
and State Farm Insurance, as well as the Lilly Endowment and
philanthropic arms of American Express, Bristol-Myers Squibb,
CIGNA and Merrill Lynch.
* MANHATTAN INSTITUTE:
"Education and Welfare: Meeting the Challenge: A Message
from CCI [a division of Manhattan Institute]Chairman, Mayor Stephen
Goldsmith : . . . The conference brought together public officials
like Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson and scholars like Dr.
Charles Murray to discuss how governments and private groups
have reduced dependency and increased self-sufficiency . . .
Fifteen years after the Manhattan Institute published Charles
Murray's landmark study of American welfare policy, "Losing
Ground," the presentations showed that ideas once seen as
radical now form the mainstream of the welfare debate."
* VILLAGE VOICE,
Aug 8, 2000: Absent in the sticky Philadelphia heat was the drumbeat
of the fire-breathing, nay-saying Christian Right. In its place,
singing the praises of the Jesus-influenced candidate and following
a script laid out by the Manhattan Institute . . . The social
scientists from the Manhattan Institute rolled out their charts
and reported that kids who go to church in poor neighborhoods
do fewer drugs and thus, churches, mosques, and synagogues "should
be supported as uniquely qualified agencies of social control
that matter a great deal in the lives of adolescents in America's
most disorganized and impoverished communities." INSTITUTE
FOR PUBLIC ACCURACY
REVIEW, August 2000: Besides helping to make "faith-based"
the politicians' favorite euphemism for 'religious,' the [Manhattan
Institute] has fostered the notorious Charles Murray as well
as one of George Bush's favorite writers, Michael Magnet, author
of the 'The Dream and the Nightmare,' the latter being all those
poor folks mucking up the place. In a review in the Texas Observer,
Michael King wrote:
are poor and nasty because they choose to be so, and any attempt
by the community at large to ameliorate their unhappy circumstances
is by definition counterproductive. And though he tap-dances
around the subject in various statistical ways, the undeserving
poor (a.k.a. the underclass), whom Magnet pities and despises
in almost equal measures, are most specifically the black urban
poor: those foul-mouthed, crack-smoking, baby-dropping, white-folks
mugging, wild-running Caliban-caricatures of the suburban imagination,
who refuse to work because they have learned (apparently from
reading Norman Mailer, Michael Harrington, and R.D. Laing) that
they can act crazy on street corners selling dope without fear
of retribution while readily pocketing twenty grand a year on
the solutions to this cultural catastrophe? Do nothing - only
much more nothing. Scratch these neo-cons and one inevitably
turns up Charles Murray (of Losing Ground and The Bell Curve),
the "brilliant" sociologist who has concluded repeatedly
that all welfare programs should be abolished because they do
more harm than good (especially by allowing able-bodied mothers
to stay home with their kids when they should be on the job market
keeping wages down). Lately Murray has taken to saying the same
thing about public education, since certain children are, well,
ineducable. (We all know who they are.) Magnet suspects Murray
is right, although he says he wouldn't go that far - the requisite
political will is unfortunately lacking, and perhaps in the short-term,
"casualties would be too great." He counsels instead
the usual draconian measures to force welfare mothers (only the
deserving widowed or divorced, of course) into the job market,
although with surprisingly liberal provisions for day care and
Head Start programs." [According to the Manhattan Institute,
"Referring to this book, Gov. Bush has said, other than
the Bible, that it was the most important book he had read..."]
Institute is obsessed with such matters. Eric Alterman, in the
Nation, described another of its good works: "The great
book of the New Right's assault on traditional forms of knowledge
was Charles Murray's anti-welfare tract Losing Ground: American
Social Policy, 1950-1980 (1984) The Manhattan Institute inaugurated
an extraordinary campaign to sell Murray to the public. Once
the book was published, [MI President William Hammett] sent 700
copies to journalists, politicians and academics and hired a
PR expert to turn the unknown author into a media celebrity.
He paid journalists $500 to $1,500 each to participate in a seminar
on Murray and his thought. The book itself proved to be the prototype
of "The Bell Curve:" Murrayite ideology mixed with
pseudo-science and killer public relations . . . Welfare causes
poor (read "black") people to breed like bunnies, and
"we" would be doing everyone a favor if we just stopped
encouraging "them." "We tried to provide more
for the poor, and we created more poor instead," as Murray
argued . . . A decade later, Murray would undertake an even grander
mission on behalf of his sponsors. It would be to make racism
scientifically respectable. Murray's research was considered
so controversial that this time the Manhattan Institute refused
to have anything to do with him, and he was shunted off to the
American Enterprise Institute."
New York artist-activist
Robert Lederman [notes that] Hitler himself, while schmoozing
with the Vatican in 1933, said, "Secular schools can never
be tolerated because such schools have no religious instruction,
and a general moral instruction without a religious foundation
is built on air; consequently, all character training and religion
must be derived from faith . . . we need believing people."
POWELL BUDDIES TELL ON BUSH ET AL
STATE COLIN POWELL is exhausted, frustrated, and bitter, uncomfortable
with President George W. Bush's agenda, and fatigued from his
battles with the Pentagon, reports GQ magazine writer-at-large
Wil S. Hylton in the June 2004 issue of GQ magazine.
of staff, Larry Wilkerson, on whether Powell will return for
a second term: "He's tired. Mentally and physically. And
if the president were to ask him to stay on -- if the president
is re-elected and the president were to ask him to stay on, he
might for a transitional period, but I don't think he'd want
to do another four years."
from the National War College, Harlan Ullman on Powell's discomfort
with the Bush team: "This is, in many ways, the most ideological
administration Powell's ever had to work for. Not only is it
very ideological, but they have a vision. And I think Powell
is inherently uncomfortable with grand visions like that ...
There's an ideological core to Bush, and I think it's hard for
Powell to penetrate that."
Ullman on Powell's
relationship with Vice President Dick Cheney: "I can tell
you firsthand that there is a tremendous barrier between Cheney
and Powell, and there has been for a long time ... It's like
McCain saying that his relations with the president are 'congenial,'
meaning McCain doesn't tell the president to go f*ck himself
Ullman on National
Security Advisor's Condoleeza Rice's comments that Powell and
Cheney are "on more than speaking terms," and that
they're "very friendly": "Condi's a jerk."
of State Richard Armitage on Powell's presentation pre- war presentation
before the U.N.: "It's a source of great distress for the
secretary." Hylton reports that Rice described Powell as
enthusiastic about the presentation, spending four days and nights
at CIA headquarters and scouring the evidence against Saddam
Hussein for ways to punch it up. But Armitage and Wilkerson describe
Powell's four-day immersion at the CIA in very different terms
-- not punching up the evidence but frantically scouring it for
mistakes and faulty intelligence.
last day and night [at the CIA], the secretary called me, and
he said, 'I need a little extra reinforcement.' So I went out
there and spent Sunday and Saturday night with him. He needed
someone. He was the voice throwing everything out, and he wanted
another loud voice at the table." Wilkerson describes those
four days at the CIA as a battle, with Powell's team scrambling
in the final hours to save the general from humiliation: "I
was down at the agency as his task-force leader, and we fought
tooth and nail with other members of the administration to scrub
it and get the crap out."
the neo-cons: "I make no bones about it. I have some reservations
about people who have never been in the face of battle, so to
speak, who are making cavalier decisions about sending men and
women out to die. A person who comes immediately to mind in that
regard is Richard Perle, who, thank God, tendered his resignation
and no longer will be even a semi-official person in this administration.
Richard Perle's cavalier remarks about doing this or doing that
with regard to military force always, always troubled me. Because
it just showed me that he didn't have the appreciation, for example,
that Colin Powell has for what it means ... I call them utopians
... I don't care whether utopians are Vladimir Lenin in a sealed
train going to Moscow or Paul Wolfowitz. Utopians, I don't like.
You're never going to bring utopia, and you're going to hurt
a lot of people in the process of trying to do it."
DISINFORMATION - While Powell was deputy
security adviser to Ronald Reagan's Secretary of Defense Caspar
Weinberger, he learned of the illegal deal to supply arms to
Iran in return for cash and the release of American hostages
in Lebanon. He told Weinberger and, though they supposedly didn't
like it, they went along with the deal. In violation of Pentagon
procedure, Powell secretly transferred missiles from the Army
to the CIA. When questioned during the Iran-Contra hearings,
Powell grudgingly gave testimony that has been described as contradictory,
"limited," and "misleading." At one point
in a sworn deposition he said that Weinberger did not keep a
diary, but in a sworn affidavit five years later Powell said
that his boss had indeed kept a diary at the time. . .
It was Powell
who pushed Bush into invading Panama to capture Manuel Noriega,
a move that violated international law. Indiscriminately using
force in civilian areas, the effort to arrest Noriega resulted
in the deaths of many civilians. The US government admits to
hundreds of dead innocents, and various observers and human rights
groups say the true total is in the thousands.
to have achieved the worst of both worlds during Operation Desert
Storm. He adamantly opposed US involvement in the Iraq/Kuwait
shit storm, but President Bush wanted it. Kowtowing to his superiors,
as always, Powell led the way in torpedoing a Soviet deal that
would have avoided the war. Once the ground assault started,
though, he almost immediately tried to limit the combat. . .
Despite his rather
inept handling of the situation, Powell became a war hero for
presiding over a lopsided slaughter--which included burying Iraqis
alive and massacring them as they retreated--that left around
200,000 Iraqis dead (including tens of thousands of civilians),
compared to 147 Americans killed by the enemy (with an additional
207 killed by accidents or "friendly fire"). Furthermore,
Powell targeted for destruction Iraq's water systems, power supplies,
civilian factories, and other non-military targets, actions which
are war crimes. . .
Powell has completely
turned his back on sick Gulf War vets. Whether or not Gulf War
Syndrome exists isn't the question here. The fact is that tens
of thousands of former and current members of the military are
complaining of a similar cluster of strange symptoms, and Powell
has done nothing to help them. In an interview with legendary
investigative journalist Seymour Hersh, . . .
Powell was decorated
for his role in planning Operation Vernon Lake in Vietnam. According
to the military's own records, 104 innocent civilians were killed
because of this action. . .
documents implicate Powell in the secret, probably illegal arming
of Iraq in the years before the Gulf War. . .
Although he decried
the sanctions against Iraq (which so far have killed 500,000
children under the age of five) in his autobiography, Powell
surprisingly announced his enthusiastic support for the sanctions
just as soon as Dubya tapped him for Secretary of State. . .
MORE SOURCES ON POWELL
TRUST POWELL? - Robert Parry, Consortium
Colin Powell was last in the news -- as a possible 1996 presidential
candidate -- we proposed a few questions for him]
- Who won the
- If the answer is the US, then how come Saddam Hussein is still
- Well then, if that's the case, when exactly did Hussein stop
being the "modern-day Hitler" as we were told at the
- How many people did your troops kill during the Gulf war?
- Why did we have to kill that many?
- How many dead Iraqi draftees did your troops bulldoze into
- Wasn't the immolation of retreating Iraqi soldiers along the
"Highway of Death" a bit excessive?
- How many oil refineries were ignited by your own bombs?
- How much radioactive material did you leave in the Iraqi desert?
- How many civilians did our troops kill in Panama?
- How many were buried in mass graves?
- Is the sort of censorship, disinformation, and misinformation
provided by the military during the Gulf war and Panamanian invasion
what we could expect from a Powell presidency?
- What differences are there between American-style democracy
and the civilian operations carried out by the US military in
places such as Panama, Kuwait and Somalia?
- Which style of governance would your administration favor?
- Describe the nature of your professional experience with each
style of governance.
- Why did you help to cover up allegations of a massacre of 400
Vietnamese at My Lai?
- While in Vietnam what steps, if any, did you take to stop war
crimes such as the shooting of unarmed civilians from US helicopters?
- Why did Iran-Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh find your testimony
in his investigation to be "at least misleading" although
it "did not warrant prosecution?"
- Describe your efforts to reduce the more than $30 billion in
Pentagon "problem disbursements" i.e. money that was
spent but the military can't figure who spent or authorized it
to be spent.
- Does the fact that about half the front-line troops in the
Gulf War were from ethnic minorities reflect your concern for
- Why do you think it is that a higher percentage of American
veterans than non-veterans are unemployed, homeless or imprisoned?
- You have shown considerable interest in the Buffalo Soldiers.
Discuss their role in the ethnic cleansing of native Americans
by the US military.
- You urged military men to resign if they also opposed Clinton's
policy on gays in the military. Name one or more other issues
in which you expressed public opposition to your commander-in-chief?
- Are you at all concerned about the growing intrusion of the
military into democratic American life -- including law enforcement?
- What can you tell us that would reassure that in voting for
you we would not only put a military man in office but the military
as well. -- Progressive Review, November 1995
POWELL AND MY
There may be
isolated cases of mistreatment of civilians and POWs . . . This
by no means reflects the general attitude throughout the Division
. . . In direct refutation of this portrayal is the fact that
relations between American soldiers and the Vietnamese people
are excellent. - Colin Powell Excerpt from 1968 memo dismissing
claims that there had been a massacre of civilians at My Lai.
Powell issued this memo without having done any research into
POWELL AND THE
March 1996: Much of the military's intrusion [into civilian affairs
under Clinton] has been accomplished without public notice. For
example, the Pentagon has greatly expanded JROTC programs. Last
year, the American Friends Service Committee found retired military
personnel teaching approximately 310,000 students, ages 14 and
up, in about 2200 high schools (with another 700 on the docket).
As the AFSC pointed out:
schooling strives to promote respect for other cultures, critical
thinking and basic academic skills in a safe environment. In
contrast, JROTC introduces guns into the schools, promotes authoritarian
values, uses rote learning methods, and consigns much student
time to learning drill, military history and protocol, which
have little relevance outside the military. It pays off, though,
for the Pentagon. Although the JROTC denies it is engaged in
recruiting, 45% of all cadets completing the program sign up,
mostly as enlisted personnel. AFSC also found that JROTC programs
are more often found in schools with a high proportion of non-white
students -- now providing 54% of all cadets -- and in non-affluent
And what are
these cadets being taught? Says the report:
of the JROTC curriculum and two widely used civilian high school
civics and history textbooks demonstrates that the JROTC curriculum
falls well below accepted pedagogical standards. Units on citizenship
and history are strikingly different from standard civil texts
on these subjects. For example . . . the JROTC text portrays
citizenship as being primarily achieved through military service,
provides only a short discussion of civil rights; and downplays
the importance of civilian control of the military. . . . In
comparison to the civilian history text, historical events in
the JROTC curriculum are distorted . . History is described as
a linear series of accomplishments by soldiers, while the progress
engendered by regular citizens is marginalized. America's wars
are treated as having been inevitable.
While it claims to provide leadership training with broad relevance,
in fact the JROTC curriculum defines leadership as respect for
constituted authority and the chain of command, rather than as
critical thinking and democratic consensus-building . . . Finally,
the text encourages the reader to rely uncritically on the military
as a source of self-esteem and guidance."
Further, at a
time that schools are trying desperately to discourage violence,
the JROTC is teaching students how to kill more effectively.
It is also teaching them -- in a text that addresses the "Indian
menace" that "Fortunately the government policy of
pushing the Indians farther West, then wiping them out, was carried
out successfully. "
And just where
did the idea come from for the expansion of military indoctrination
in our high schools? From none other than that very media model
of a major modern general -- Colin Powell.
LA uprising in 1992, writes Steven Stycos in the Providence Phoenix,
the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff "proposed a massive
expansion of the program. Powell urged the new units be targeted
to inner-city youth as an alternative to drug use and gang membership."
In New England the number of students involved nearly tripled.
Was Powell seeking
citizen officers to balance the academy-trained military? Absolutely
not. The JROTC students are grunt-fodder. Besides, while referring
to ROTC as "vital to democracy," Powell closed 62 college-based
ROTC units during this same period. The inevitable result was
that the proportion of academy-trained officers rose and the
role of the citizen-officer diminished. You may recall that Powell
was the man whom the media pushed for president, depicting him
as in the mold of Dwight Eisenhower. The media forgot to tell
us that while Eisenhower warned of a growing military-industrial
complex, Powell has been one of its biggest beneficiaries and
boosters. While Eisenhower fought to restore democracy, Powell
fought to preserve sheikdoms. While the Eisenhower-era military
followed the wartime orders of strong civilian leaders like Churchill
and Roosevelt, the Powell-era military won't even follow Bill
Clinton's orders in peacetime. While Eisenhower was part of a
unique military demobilization after the Second World War, Powell
was among those who prevented demobilization after the Cold War.
On top of which he wants kids to know that the Indians were a
Powell's career began as an Army Ranger during the Vietnam War.
As Deputy Assistant Chief of Staff for Operations at a base in
Vietnam, he was ordered to investigate claims of Army massacres
at My Lai (where US forces murdered hundreds on March 16, 1968
- Powell had no involvement with that tragedy). Powell's cosmetic
"investigation" of allegations by Tom Glen, who knew
about the slaughter, claimed that his charges were false since
Glen's superiors stated that he could not have witnessed abuses
of Vietnamese. It wasn't until many months later that another
soldier, Ron Ridenhour, complained to his Congressman, that serious
inquiries into the My Lai massacre began within the Army, at
Washington headquarters. -- The New Republic, April 17, 1995
Just before leaving office, President Bush pardoned Casper Weinberger,
preventing any prosecution for his involvement in the illegal
arms for hostages deals. This act was one of the best things
for Powell's future political career, since he was deeply involved
in the scandal. There will never be a trial of his former boss,
Defense Secretary Weinberger, where he'd have to testify. The
US aided both Iran and Iraq during their 8-year long war, in
which one million people died. No one knows how many thousands
were killed with the 2,000+ missiles Powell helped send to Iran.
ARCHIVE: Weinberger testified before the [Senate Select] Committee
[on Intelligence] that later that day he received a call from
Poindexter informing him of the President's action [to send weapons
to Iran]. Weinberger ... instructed military aide, Major General
Colin Powell, to arrange the transfer of the weapons ... to the
CIA, and that the matter was to be closely held at the direction
of the President. General Powell had had previous discussions
with North about the program and about Israel's problems in getting
replacement TOW's [missiles]. .... According to [Assistant DOD
Secretary] Armitage and a CIA official, Powell worked with Major
General Vincent Russo of the Defense Logistics Agency to provide
the material securely and without any loss of funds for the Army.
-- The National Security Archive, "The Chronology: The
Documented Day-by-Day Account of the Secret Military Assistance
to Iran and the Contras," Warner Books, 1987, p. 262
JANE MAYER AND
DOYLE MCMANUS: Weinberger reluctantly ordered his military aide,
Major General Colin L. Powell, to arrange the sale of TOW's for
North's new deal." -- "Landslide: The Unmaking of
the President 1984-1988," p. 197
After Powell became Reagan's National Security Advisor, he threatened
to cut off US aid to any Central American country that refused
to support the US-backed Contra war against Nicaragua . . . In
December 1989, while Powell was Joint Chiefs of Staff -- the
top military leader for all US forces -- George Bush invaded
Panama in an attack condemned by almost every other country on
Earth. Portrayed as a "surgical strike" on Manuel Noriega,
it did virtually nothing to stem the flow of drugs into the US.
(Noriega's replacements installed by the US Southern Command
were also linked to the profitable drug trade.)
HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION: The US Army used highly sophisticated
weapons--some for the first time in combat--against unarmed civilian
populations . . . The human costs of the invasion are substantially
higher than the official figures . . . The actual death toll
has been obscured through US military practices including: 1)
Incineration of corpses prior to identification; 2) Burial of
remains in common graves prior to identification; and 3) US military
control of administrative offices of hospitals and morgues, permitting
the removal of all registries to US military bases . . . A thorough,
well-planned propaganda campaign has been implemented by US authorities
to ... deny the brutality and extensive human and material costs
of the invasion.
Powell, as Joint Chiefs of Staff, presided over the bloody Persian
Gulf war. John Lehman, Reagan's first Navy Secretary, reportedly
confided in 1991 at a gathering at the "Bohemian Grove"
(an all-male retreat for corporate and political leaders in northern
California) that 200,000 people were killed in the Gulf War .
. . US forces bulldozed Iraqi draftees into mass graves, bombed
retreating forces on the "Highway of Death," set oil
refineries on fire, dropped uranium tipped shells across the
desert (over 40 tons of radioactive uranium was scattered), and
threatened to use nuclear weapons before the conflict started.
But, since strict Pentagon censorship prohibited virtually any
photographic documentation of the slaughter, Americans who only
watched TV never learned what happened in the desert . . . Powell
claims that he never received an illegal order during his military
career, but orders to bomb civilians in Iraq and Panama (among
many other locations) certainly could be classified as war crimes,
which Powell should have refused to carry out under both the
Uniform Code of Military Justice (which mandates that soldiers
refuse illegal orders) and the Nuremberg Principles. Instead,
Powell's only documented opposition to any policy was about Clinton's
efforts to end anti-gay witchhunts in the military -- Powell
urged military men to resign if they also opposed Clinton's policies.
Federal Communications Commission Chairman Michael Powell named
Walt Disney Co. executive Marsha MacBride as the agency's new
chief of staff. MacBride served as a vice president in Disney's
Washington office, which was heavily involved in lobbying the
FCC to place strict conditions on the America Online-Time Warner
combination which was concluded earlier this month. She has served
in various capacities at the FCC for roughly 10 years, including
as a legal advisor to Powell on mass media and cable television
issues . . . Disney urged the FCC, as well as antitrust authorities,
to require AOL-Time Warner to allow consumers access to whatever
content they choose regardless of the provider and not limit
the interactive nature of content from rival companies. The FCC
and Federal Trade Commission approved the combination with conditions,
including one by the FTC that prevents the new company, now AOL
Time Warner Inc., from interfering with content from rival providers.
OTTO REICH has
been named to the Board of Visitors at the Western Hemisphere
Institute for Security Cooperation, formerly known as the School
of the Americas.
WHISC's charter requires a board of visitors to monitor the school,
to ensure that the curriculum emphasize 'human rights, the rule
of law, due process, civilian control of the military, and the
role of the military in a democratic society.' Reich has a history
of aiding coups and known terrorists.
Reich first gained
notoriety throughout Latin America and among US human rights
groups for his role as head of the Office of Public Diplomacy
during the Reagan administration. This office launched an anti-Sandinista
propaganda campaign, illegally designed to influence the American
public to embrace the administration¹s agenda for Central
America. Later, as US ambassador to Venezuela, Reich used his
office to help Orlando Bosch get into the US. Bosch was convicted
of firing a bazooka at a freighter in Miami, and accused of bombing
a Cuban jet, killing 73 people. Despite this record the current
Bush administration nominated Reich for Assistant Secretary of
State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. In this capacity Reich
admittedly advised Pedro Carmonathe businessman who seized
the presidencyduring the failed coup in Venezuela last
month. Also he met with generals who planned the coup in the
months leading up to the coup (some of whom were trained at the
JASON VEST, AMERICAN
PROSPECT: Part of the problem with naming [Otto] Reich to State
is that while diplomacy can be, and sometimes is, conducted quietly,
it is not the same as covert action, which has a tendency to
either (a) be abused by those who find it more expedient, or
(b) complicate policy situations through unnecessary subterfuge
or the creation of unintended consequences. Lest one think that
Reich has moved past this proclivity for spinning from the shadows,
Reich still seems a proud propagandist at heart, particularly
on an issue of great concern throughout this hemisphere: sweatshops.
If you point your web browser to www.wrapapparel.org, you'll
find the homepage of what appears to be a group devoted to championing
the oppressed and exploited worker. The Worldwide Responsible
Apparel Production program bills itself as an independent, non-profit
effort to certify that the clothes you wear were produced under
humane and legal conditions, and proudly trumpets the vita of
its vice-chairman, "Ambassador Otto Reich." WRAP is,
in fact, a creature of the American Apparel Manufacturers Association,
and according to Terry Collingsworth, an attorney with the International
Labor Rights Fund, it was "set up as an industry dominated
monitoring project as a cover to avoid legitimate monitoring.
It's a dodge, and is so regarded by everyone except the industry."
The National Labor Committee's Charles Curnahan goes further,
calling it "the worst, the lowest you can go" of industry-backed
"rights" groups, but says that he wasn't surprised
to find Reich near the top of WRAP's board. "Given the work
he did in the Office of Public Diplomacy," he says, "this
isn't too much of a stretch -- it's the same thing: propaganda
and psychological warfare." . . . In the view of Larry Birns,
the head of Washington's Council on Hemispheric Affairs, the
combination of Reich's hard-line views, current business connections,
and Iran-Contra past would make him a disastrous choice to be
the United States' point person for Latin America. "It would
be of interest to anticipate the violent polemical struggle between
Fortune 500 U.S. multinationals, most of whom denounced Helms-Burton
for interfering with trade with Cuba, and the State Department's
Latin American office under an ideologically driven Reich."
. . . "If confirmed, [Reich's] tenure will inevitably be
littered with hemispheric vendettas, abusive run-ins with strong-willed
regional leaders, and a cheerful indifference to state department
rules and regulations," Birns says. "During his years
in the public sector, Reich seemingly has found it against the
very marrow of his personality and basic nature to be able to
walk down a straight path.
PAUL DE LA GARZA & DAVID ADAMS, ST.
In a bow to conservatives, his brother and the Cuban-American
community in Florida, President Bush nominated a controversial
figure from the Reagan White House to a top State Department
post with responsibility over Cuba policy. The selection of Otto
J. Reich, a Cuba hard-liner, for assistant secretary of state
for western hemispheric affairs sets the stage for an acrimonious
battle during his Senate confirmation. A former ambassador to
Venezuela, the Cuban-born Reich played a role in the Iran-Contra
affair, the Reagan administration's most embarrassing foreign
policy initiative . . . He was a key figure in prohibited, covert
propaganda activities in the United States designed to discredit
the Marxist government of Nicaragua. In his current role as a
lobbyist, he has worked for companies that benefit from the American
embargo on Cuba, which he helped tighten . . .
- Robert Reilly
in 1981 to head of U.S. Information Agency: "It is time
we recaptured the words 'balance' and 'objectivity' from the
rhetorical excesses of the left and reestablished them to stand
for the full truth about this country - the last and best hope
for freedom in the world."
- 1996 National
Review article: "Only the act of sodomy differentiates an
active homosexual from a heterosexual . . . The homosexual rationalization
is so successful that even the campaign against AIDS is part
of it, with its message that 'everyone is at risk.' He now says,
"I find it personally and morally repugnant to discriminate
against someone because they're a homosexual. . . I would avidly
enforce the anti-discrimination statutes that apply in this position."
- Wrote that
the Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion, "has given
impetus to the process of the rebarbarization of man in the 20th
MIKE MALES, ALTERNET:
John Walters is a veteran of drug policy shambles. As the deputy
director under former drug czar William Bennett, he helped craft
drug war policies that have shattered millions of lives, wasted
billions of dollars and exacerbated America's drug crisis. He's
a hard-core ideologue who misrepresents the facts and spouts
tough-on-crime rhetoric . . . ONDCP's goals, established in Bennett's
1989 National Drug Control Strategy when Walters was his deputy
director, specifically targeted drug "use itself,"
not abuse or addiction. Policies stigmatized and punished "casual
users ... because it is their kind of drug use that is most contagious."
Conversely, the strategy de-emphasized treating addiction because
drug addicts are "a mess" who "make the worst
possible advertisement for new drug use." Bennett's strategy
of neglecting drug abusers while punishing casual users worked
exactly as designed. In the 1980s and early 1990s, arrests and
imprisonments for drug law violations skyrocketed, self-reported
drug use fell and drug abuse exploded. Federal Drug Abuse Warning
Network reports showed overdoses and hospitalizations skyrocketing,
especially for those drugs most targeted by the drug war. In
1980, when Reagan took office, 28,000 Americans were hospitalized
for abuse of heroin, cocaine and methamphetamine. In 1992, when
Bush left office, the number was 175,000. In 2000, the latest
figures available, 250,000.
It's easy to
imagine an infinite number of situations where the government
might legitimately give out false information. It's an unfortunate
reality that the issuance of incomplete information and even
misinformation by government may sometimes be perceived as necessary
to protect vital interests. - Solicitor-General Theodore Olson,
speaking to the Supreme Court
THE BUSHES INDEX
THE LIST: DSL
Dubya as a Second Language
Cuff Links: handcuffs
Tacular weapons: tactical weapons
More and more of our imports
come from overseas,
You teach a child to read
and he or her will be able to pass a literacy test. - President
Bush at Townsend TN Elementary School
Well, I think if you say you're going to
do something and don't do it, that's trustworthiness. -- Aug.
Laura and I really don't realize how bright
our children is sometimes until we get an objective analysis.
I was raised in the West. The west of Texas.
It's pretty close to California. In more ways than Washington,
DC, is close to California
Reading is the basics for all learning
I understand small business growth. I was
The senator has got to understand if he's
going to have - he can't have it both ways. He can't take the
high horse and then claim the low road,
If you're sick and tired of the politics
of cynicism and polls and principles, come and join this campaign.
How do you know if you don't measure if
you have a system that simply suckles kids through.
We ought to make the pie higher.
I think we need not only to eliminate the
tollbooth to the middle class, I think we should knock down the
The most important job is not to be governor,
or first lady in my case.
Will the highways on the Internet become
I know how hard it is for you to put food
on your family.
This is still a dangerous world. It's a
world of madmen and uncertainty and potential mential losses.
Rarely is the question asked: Is our children
There needs to be debates, like we're going
through. There needs to be town-hall meetings. There needs to
be travel. This is a huge country.
When I was coming up, it
was a dangerous world and you knew exactly who they were. It
was us versus them and it was clear who them was. Today we are
not so sure who the they are, but we know they're there.
This is Preservation month.
I appreciate preservation. This is what you do when you run for
president. You've got to preserve." -- To several hundred
children at an elementary school in Nashua that was celebrating
what it called Perseverance Month (not Preservation Month).
What I'm against is quotas.
I'm against hard quotas, quotas that basically delineate based
upon whatever. However they delineate, quotas, I think, vulcanize
Tell them I have learned
from mistakes I may or may not have made.
I mean, these good folks are revolutionizing
how businesses conduct their business. And like them, I am very
optimistic about our position in the world and about its influence
on the United States. We're concerned about the short-term economic
news, but long-term, I'm optimistic. And so, I hope investors,
you know -- secondly I hope investors hold investments for periods
of time -- that I've always found the best investments are those
that you salt away based on economics." -- Jan. 4, 2001.
I am mindful of the difference between
the executive branch and the legislative branch. I assured all
four of the leaders that I know the difference, and that difference
is they pass the laws and I execute them." -- Dec. 18,
The Legislature's job is to write law.
It's the executive branch's job to interpret law." --
Nov. 22, 2000.
Natural gas is hemispheric. I like to call
it hemispheric in nature because it is a product that we can
find in our neighborhoods." -- Dec. 20, 2000.